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A History of the Perkins School of Theology 

A History of the 





Lewis Howard Grimes 
Edited by Roger Loyd 

Southern Methodist University Press 

Copyright © 1993 by Southern Methodist University Press 

All rights reserved 

Printed in the United States of America 


Requests for permission to reproduce material from this 

work should be sent to: 


Southern Methodist University Press 

Box 415 

Dallas, Texas 75275 

Unless otherwise credited, photographs are from 
the archives of the Perkins School of Theology. 

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data 

Grimes, Lewis Howard, 1915-1989. 
A history of the Perkins School of Theology / Lewis Howard Grimes, 

— ist ed. 

p. cm. 

Includes bibliographical references and index. 

ISBN 0-87074-346-5 

I. Perkins School of Theology — History. 2. Theological 

seminaries, Methodist — Texas — Dallas — History. 3. Dallas (Tex.) — 

Church history. I. Loyd, Roger. II. Title. 

BV4070.P47G75 1993 

207'. 76428 1 2 — dc20 92-39891 


Preface Roger Loyd ix 

Introduction William Richey Hogg xi 

1 . The Birth of a University 1 

2. TheEarly Years: 1910-20 13 

3. ANewDean, a New Building: 1920-26 27 

4. Controversy and Conflict 39 

5. The Kilgore Years: 1926-33 51 

6. The Hawk Years: 1933-5 1 63 

7. Building the New Quadrangle: 1944-51 81 

8. The Cuninggim Years: 1951-60 91 

9. The Quadrangle Comes to Life 105 

10. The Quillian Years: 1960-69 125 

11. The Quillian Years: 1969-81 139 

12. The Struggle to Become an Inclusive School 155 

13. Controversy, Conflict, and Reconcihation 167 

14. In Service and Action 179 
Epilogue I TheKirby Years, 1981- Roger Loyd 195 
Epilogue II Toward 2000 James E. Kirby, Jr. 205 
Notes 209 
Bibliography 247 
Index 259 


For several years before his death, Howard Grimes and I had discussed his work 
on this project. As time was available, he worked in the archival collections of 
the School of Theology, housed in the Bridwell Library, with some assistance 
from me in my role as Associate Librarian and Curator of the Methodist 
Historical Collections. He invited me to edit his work on the school's history, 
and to complete any chapters he was unable to finish. As a graduate of Perkins 
School of Theology ( 1 97 1 ) and a current staff member, I have found this work 
highly rewarding. 

Within quotations, and as appropriate within the body of the essay itself, the 
original forms of reference to gender, race, religious bodies, and theological 
positions have been left unchanged, without the interruptions of the notation 
[sic], though current usage would often require changing these terms to a more 
inclusive or currently accepted term. 

Readers will find that the end notes are in abbreviated form, with the 
explanation of the abbreviations in the Bibliography following the Notes. 
Unless otherwise noted, all manuscript and archival collections cited are in the 
Bridwell Library, Perkins School of Theology, Southern Methodist University. 

For their valuable help to me as I prepared this manuscript for publication, 
I should like to thank Johnnie Marie Grimes, James E. Kirby, Merrimon 
Cuninggim, Joseph D. Quillian, W. Richey Hogg, Richard P. Heitzenrater, 
Decherd Turner, Joseph L. Allen, Charles M. Wood, and H. Neill McFarland. 

In the final stages of preparing the text, the sad news arrived of the death of 
Dean Joseph D. Quillian, Jr., on the third day of April, 1992, in Chewelah, 
Washington. May he rest in peace! 

Roger Loyd 
April 1992 



How did this history of Southern Methodist University's Perkins School of 
Theology in Dallas, Texas, come to be written? That question arises for one 
reason: before his death, Howard Grimes had not yet drafted its preface. Had 
he done so, he probably would have included in it the book's origins. 

To uncover its beginnings, I talked with several knowledgeable people in 
Dallas who made it plain that Dean Emeritus ( 1 982) Joseph D. Quillian, Jr., had 
been significantly involved in launching the history, but only he could provide 
an accurate account. A phone call to the retirement household of the Quillians 
at Chewelah, Washington, brought the Dean's familiar and friendly voice. 

Quillian readily recalled the occasion. "It was in 1978 or 1 979," he said, "and 
I don't know whether Howard or I first mentioned the project. Perhaps it just 
came up in the course of the conversation." The Dean knew then that he would 
be retiring within two or three years and had suggested specific writing projects 
to several faculty members who were especially fitted for those jobs. 

He hastened to add, "For a history of Perkins School of Theology, Howard 
was clearly the right person for the task. His whole background and experience 
prepared him for it. He had been graduated from SMU's School of Theology 
in the late 1930s, came on the faculty of Perkins in 1949, and was at Perkins 
from the beginning of Merrimon Cuninggim's deanship." I asked whether the 
idea for the history perhaps had first germinated in Howard's own thinking. "I 
don't know or recall," said Quillian, "but he was very positively willing to 
undertake it and responded to it as a gladsome duty." 

Dean Quillian retired officially in May 1982, but by taking a well-deserved 
faculty leave in 1981-82, he facilitated James E. Kirby's assuming the 
deanship in 1981. Also retired from Perkins in 1982, Howard Grimes almost 
immediately began at First United Methodist Church, Dallas, a full-time 
ministerial post in communications. In that role he established a well-equipped 
Media Department and its ministry there. As a result he devoted much less time 
in the next four years to his history project than he had anticipated, but he kept 
searching through and reading the University and School of Theology files 
whenever he could. Then, for reasons of health, Howard Grimes had to 



relinquish his post in 1987. 

When his colon cancer was discovered in 1987, it had akeady spread 
considerably. The surgeon did his utmost to excise all the malignant growth, 
but feared that it had spread beyond effective reach. Howard's illness and the 
ensuing medication took their toll. Yet the disease that would take his life 
spurred a rare determination. As increasing weakness made life daily more 
complicated and difficult, Howard prayed that he might be given strength 
sufficient to complete the task. The disease steadily undermined his weakening 
body. Yet many who knew him well believed that his driving commitment to 
finish the history kept him alive until he had almost done so. He produced most 
of this book after the illness assailed him, and to some degree that had to affect 
his writing. He died on 1 1 December 1989. 

Uncompleted at his death were his own editing of the entire manuscript, a 
preface, and a brief chapter covering the years 1 98 1 to the present. Thus Roger 
Loyd, Associate Director of the Bridwell Library, has edited the manuscript, 
has written the chapter concerning the years 1981 to the present, and has 
prepared the entire volume for publication. Dean James E. Kirby has provided 
a perspective on the seminary's future. William Richey Hogg, Professor of 
World Christianity Emeritus, has written this introduction. Each has benefited 
from the gracious help and suggestions of Mrs. Johnnie Marie Grimes, who was 
Howard's wife and able colleague for nearly 43 years. 

Generations of students studied under Howard Grimes at Perkins School of 
Theology, and in seminars across the country. Yet how many knew the 
background of and shaping forces in the life and career of this able but 
unassuming man? 

His parents, Lewis Frederick and Julia Ophelia McClenny Grimes, lived in 
Breckenridge, Texas, about 95 miles west of Fort Worth, when Lewis Howard 
Grimes was bom on 10 July 1915. They were "Poor ... and humble, but [they 
held] high standards," Howard said of them in the 1980s. "Small ranchers or 
farmers," they labored diligently to succeed and to educate their four children. 
"Church oriented," both were loyal and active Methodists, reared their children 
in that tradition, and Mrs. Grimes taught a Sunday School class for years. 
Fearing that an oil boom might develop in the area and be a disruptive force in 
family life, Mr. Grimes moved the family, when Howard was four, to 
Weatherford, some 20 miles west of Fort Worth. Yet he was wise and 
venturesome enough to keep the farm and its parcel of oil land which provided 
a supplement to income across the years. 

Completing his primary and secondary education in Weatherford, Howard 
continued from 1932 to 1934 in Weatherford Junior College. He then entered 
the University of Texas at Austin, majored in English, won his Phi Beta Kappa 


key, and gained his B.A. there in 1936 with Highest Honors. In 1936-37 in 
Cookville, a few miles east of Mt. Pleasant, he taught English and government 
in the high school, and in the summers of 1936 and 1937 he taught in 
Weatherford Junior College. 

He spent the years 1937^0 at Southern Methodist University's School of 
Theology and gained his B.D. There, among others, he studied under Profes- 
sors Seehom Seneker (Christian Education), John Hicks (Old Testament), and 
Robert Goodloe (Church History), and was helped by Librarian Kate Wamick 
and Registrar Nell Anders — all appointees from the 1921-25 period. Eugene 
B. Hawk had been Dean from 1933, and Wesley Davis (New Testament), J. T. 
Carlyon (Theology), and Paul Root (Sociology of Religion), an able man whom 
Howard assisted, had come in 1934 and 1935. Fred Gealy (New Testament, 
Missions, and the Seminary Singers) arrived in 1938. Umphrey Lee became 
President of SMU in November 1938. In this book Grimes "attests" that those 
faculty members were "competent teachers" but that their heavy work load in 
the seminary and the work expected of them in the churches precluded adequate 
study and left virtually no time for research or writing. 

From SMU he went directly to Union Theological Seminary in New York 
City in 1940 and there gained his S.T.M. in May 1941 . His thesis dealt with the 
sociology of conversion and reflected Root's influence. Except for Root, the 
same group was in place to welcome Howard to the SMU Theology faculty in 

Pursuing his ministerial path, Grimes in 1941 in Daingerfield, Texas, 
received his license to preach, served the First Methodist Church in Duncan, 
Oklahoma, during the summer and fall in 1 94 1 , and became an associate pastor 
of the First Methodist Church in Houston, under the Rev. Dr. Paul W. Quillian, 
from late 1941 to July 1942. Ordained deacon and elder in the Texas Confer- 
ence of the Methodist Church in 1942, he entered the U. S. Army Chaplaincy 
in July 1942 and served until November 1945. His fields of service included 
England, North Africa, Sicily, and Italy, and he received the Purple Heart, the 
Legion of Merit, and the Italian Medal of Valor. After the end of World War 
II, he returned late in 1945 to Houston and resumed the post he had held there 

Grimes quickly determined to enter Columbia University in New York City 
for a Ph.D. and to live in McGiffert Hall across from the Union Seminary 
apartments. Meanwhile Paul Root had been elected Dean of the Duke Divinity 
School, and he asked Howard to accompany him there as his assistant. Root's 
untimely death in May 1947 resolved a difficult decision for Howard. He went 
on to Columbia in June 1947, gained his doctorate in 1949, and joined the 
Perkins School of Theology faculty in the fall of 1949. 


Yet a most important segment of Grimes ' s story remains to be mentioned. At 
First Methodist Church in Houston in 1941-42 he had met Johnnie Marie 
Brooks, Director of Religious Education there. On his entering the chaplaincy, 
he and Johnnie Marie agreed that as good friends they would correspond 
regularly. They did. 

Johnnie Marie's background deserves noting. Her great-great-grandfather 
had fought at San Jacinto in April 1 836, and from that battle soon emerged the 
Republic of Texas. She herself was bom at Bellville, some 55 miles northwest 
of Houston, on 16 October 1905 to John Williamson Brooks and Mary Eunice 
Styers Brooks. Her mother, a home-maker, taught a Sunday School class and 
worked in the Methodist Woman' s Missionary Society in Bellville' s Methodist 
Church where the whole family grew up and was shaped religiously. This 
young Daughter of the Republic of Texas earned her B.A. at Southwestern in 
Georgetown in 1927. 

From her second year there, she had become an active member in the Campus 
YWC A and developed into a creative leader at the regional level. The personnel 
officer in the National YWC A soon noticed her, indicated the YW's interest in 
her, and urged that after graduation she gain more experience. 

To do so, she taught history for a year, served two years as a church youth 
director, and was soon selected by the YWCA's National Personnel Office to 
serve in the Beaumont YWCA as Director of Business and Industrial Girls' 
Work. Six years later the New York office promoted her to the YWCA in 
Oklahoma City and there she joined St. Luke's Methodist Church where Dr. 
Paul Quillian was pastor. Quickly recognizing her remarkable capabilities, and 
knowing that he was shortly to go to First Methodist Church of Houston, he 
asked her to become Director of Christian Education there. Countering her 
protests of inadequate preparation for that post, he added, "I'll teach you 
everything you need to know about the work." 

The Quillians were in Houston from 1 937 to 1 947, and so was Johnnie Marie, 
except for her stint with the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Agency 
(UNRRA), 1943^6. After her work in England, Scodand, France, and 
Germany, she returned to First Methodist in Houston. Not surprisingly, she and 
Howard, already there, were married in that church on 7 February 1947. 

The Grimeses went to Columbia University in 1947, where Johnnie Marie 
took her M.A. in 1948 through the joint Union-Columbia program. When 
Howard had completed his Ph.D. at Columbia in 1949, they returned to Dallas, 
Texas, and he joined the faculty of Perkins School of Theology (the SMU Board 
of Trustees had voted the change of name on 6 February 1945) as Assistant 
Professor of Christian Education. In fall 1 950, Dean Hawk invited the Grimeses 
to occupy an apartment in Perkins Hall, where they lived for several years. 


Meanwhile Willis Tate had entered SMU's administrative ranks as Dean of 
Students and in 1950 became Vice-President of Development and Public 
Relations. In May 1954, when on medical advice President Umphrey Lee 
resigned from his office, Willis M. Tate became President of Southern 
Methodist University. 

Tate had known the Grimeses in Houston, and during a 1952 visit to their 
campus apartment, he asked Johnnie Marie Grimes to come and work for him. 
She accepted and began as Director of SMU's annual Sustentation Campaign. 
Upon Tate's election as President of SMU, she became his Assistant for 
Research and Planning, a post she held until his retirement. This position came 
to involve much writing, including major memoranda and drafts of position 
papers. In 1977 she compiled and edited Willis M. Tate: Views and Interviews 
(Dallas: SMU Press, 1978). All the while as a volunteer, she served the YWCA 
on its boards local and national, on state education committees, as a founding 
member of the Women's Center of Dallas, and the list goes on. She became a 
key leader in the First United Methodist Church of Dallas and also in the 
broader work of the church at district, conference, national, and world levels. 

Howard and Johnnie Marie supported and encouraged each other in their 
multiform activities. From the broad background of their diverse endeavors the 
Grimeses observed, participated in, and assessed much of SMU's history from 
1949 through 1989. Among SMU's several faculty and staff couples, they had 
a unique vantage point. All this forms part of the background Howard brought 
to the writing of this book. 

Asked which people had most influenced him, Howard responded that no 
one person had been most influential, but that four or five in that category would 
be his parents, his wife Johnnie Marie, Paul Root, and Paul W. Quillian (who 
also had a major impact on Johnnie Marie). 

Yet another question may afford greater insight. What theologies, educa- 
tional theories, and the like had shaped Howard Grimes's growing understand- 
ing of his own theology and the meaning of Christian education? Happily, he 
had written a detailed yet compact twenty-five-page summation of these 
matters, which some judge to be his best writing. In 1 982-83, for Modem Masters 
of Religious Education, edited by Marlene Mayr (Birmingham, Ala.: Religious 
Education Press, 1 983), he wrote a chapter entided "How I Became What I Am 
as a Christian Religious Educator." It belongs to the "How My Mind Has 
Developed During 35 Years of Teaching" genre. For former students or others 
who want a thoughtfully drawn, honest, and open statement of Grimes's 
intellectual, theological, and Christian pilgrimage, this presents his personal 

It would be impossible to provide here an adequate summary of Howard's 


essay, but a few points drawn from it may be instructive. At Union Seminary 
and then Columbia Howard encountered Reinhold Niebuhr, Paul Tillich, and 
the "New Theology" of the 1940s. Much of the Neo-orthodoxy of Barth, 
Brunner, Niebuhr and others he found helpful. Yet he insisted that he was never 
a Barthian because of his strong Wesleyan heritage and convictions. He 
rebelled against the then current Protestant liberalism (human nature as 
essentially neutral or good and needing only education) that in his judgment 
suffused much of that day's Christian education. Reinhold Niebuhr struck the 
right note for Grimes who paraphrased it: "There is enough good in persons to 
make Christian nurture possible, and enough evil to make it necessary." 

Harrison S. Elliott, "an unreconstructed liberal in religious education," 
directed Howard's dissertation but allowed Howard to hold to his own 
theology. Grimes admired Elliott' s clear mind and adopted his "issue-centered" 
approach. The dissertation dealt with "the place and training of the laity in the 
Methodist tradition." Later Dean Merrimon Cuninggim urged Howard and 
Johnnie Marie to take a sabbatical at Yale and rework it for publication. In that 
process, he was strongly influenced by F. W. Dillistone's The Structure of the 
Divine Society, which he regarded as a "seminal" work (as did many in the 
1950s concerned with the mission of the church). Howard published his revised 
dissertation as The Church Redemptive (New York: Abingdon Press, 1958). 
Within the context of Christian education, it expressed his theology of the 
church, and many view it as his most significant book. A year later, when Dean 
Cuninggim sat for the portrait that now hangs in Kirby Parlor, it was no accident 
that he held Howard's book in his hand. 

The above may suggest some of the theological undergirding for Howard's 
deep interest in "practical theology" as Schleiermacher used the term in the 
nineteenth century. For Grimes it meant "critical reflection on the Hfe of the 
church as it relates to the world in the light of . . . the Christian witness of faith," 
the latter five words being Schubert Ogden' s phrase. Significantly, he adds that 
he regarded Christian religious education as "a branch of practical theology 
rather than of general education." 

Turning again to Grimes ' s History of Perkins, I observe two elements, among 
others, that stand out. The first consists of a major motif that sets forth the close 
relationship between SMU's seminary and the church and the need of each for 
the other. The church brought SMU and its seminary into being, and the 
seminary quite early defined its two aims as (1) training ministers and (2) aiding 
the church. Admittedly, in ministerial training some tension always is poten- 
tially present between academy and church, particularly for a seminary that is 
an integral part of a university . Points of conflict involve freedom of speech and 
action, theological positions taken, affirmed, or denied, and moral and social 


Stands. Yet despite occasional misunderstandings concerning matters of ortho- 
doxy or propriety, the seminary from its beginning maintained a close bond 
with the church, and wisely also required courses that would relate "students 
to the world" in which they lived and worked. 

The seminary sought to meet the second aim through various means. In the 
early days, faculty members were expected to work in churches by preaching, 
teaching church school classes, aiding in special events, and other ways. The 
slogan "Take the School of Theology to the Church" made its impact. Dean 
Eugene Hawk introduced Ministers' Week in 1936, and began his Theological 
Circulating Library for pastors in 1938. 

Furthering that thrust, the Perkins School of Theology Journal (1947-91) 
sought to serve clergy in the South Central Jurisdiction. Some professors taught 
church school adult classes, for one, three, ten years or longer, and indeed 
Howard and Johnnie Marie Grimes probably held the record. They began 
teaching the Aldersgate Class of then-young couples at First Methodist in 
Dallas in January 1950, and were still carrying on in 1989. Efforts to help rural 
churches, emergence of the Cooperative Parish, special links with the Rio 
Grande Conference, recruiting of African- American students, and much more 
were part of this two-way street. 

International students, carefully selected, have returned to their homelands, 
and many as bishops, pastors, college presidents, seminary deans, and profes- 
sors have created special links overseas. The post of Bishop in Residence, 
created by Dean Quillian, has proved most useful and has been adopted 
elsewhere. The Internship Program, developed by Claus Rohlfs, over the past 
twenty years in remarkable and reciprocal fashion has involved people in many 
congregations in working with and helping seminary interns learn what it 
means to be a pastor. Special curricular offerings such as the Master of Sacred 
Music and the Master of Religious Education Programs, the Master of Theo- 
logical Studies (for those wanting theological study, e.g., for classroom 
teaching, but not seeking ordination), and the Doctor of Ministry Program are 
all designed to aid students and churches. Except for the M.T.S., they all require 
some church members to be engaged with the students. 

Yet the greatest reciprocal involvement of Perkins with the churches, 
especially in the South Central Jurisdiction, springs from the great and growing 
number of Perkins graduates since 1945, who have supplied Methodist, then 
United Methodist, pulpits in this Jurisdiction. Representatively through the 
Alumni Association, they work with the seminary in projecting needs, offering 
counsel, and considering policy. Each dean also plays an indispensable role in 
varied ways with bishops, district superintendents, ministers, and congrega- 


Walter Vernon, with his broad knowledge of Methodism and as a respected 
church historian, put the situation succinctly and accurately in Methodism Moves 
Across North Texas in 1967. Grimes cites it in Chapter 6, but it seems highly 
appropriate to repeat it here: 

Perkins School of Theology is more deeply involved in the life of the 
churches than any other of the seminaries of the country, in the judgment 
of some who know this relationship at first hand. This situation augurs well 
for the future of both church and seminary, for they are dependent each on 
the other for strength and direction. 

The second notable element traces the story of one continuum: Southern 
Methodist University's special provision from 1915 to the present for the 
graduate professional training of Christian ministers. Thus far that continuum 
incorporates two distinct periods. The initial one began with the SMU School 
of Theology — underfunded, relatively small, but with a dedicated faculty. It 
opened in 1 9 1 5 and continued — first on the third floor of Dallas Hall, and then 
from September 1924 in the old Kirby Hall — at the north end of the SMU 
campus through the fall of 1950. 

The second period began visibly in the fall of 1950 when SMU's Perkins 
School of Theology at the south end of the campus — made possible by the gifts 
of Mr. Joe J. Perkins and his wife Lois Parker Perkins, of Wichita Falls, 
Texas — enrolled its first students to study in the Theology Quadrangle. Yet the 
process had required a six-year transition, 1944-50. The gift from the Perkins 
family was confirmed in June 1944, but the Board of Trustees formally 
announced it on 6 February 1945 at its meeting and also changed the School's 
name to Perkins School of Theology. The Board settled on the new and present 
location on 3 1 October 1947, construction began several months later, students 
first entered the new dorms and classrooms in January 1951, and the new 
buildings were dedicated in February 1951. 

When Merrimon Cuninggim, with earned degrees from Vanderbilt, Duke, 
Oxford, and Yale (B.D. and Ph.D.) and also a Navy chaplain, became dean- 
designate early in 1951, he made a bold and decisive move. He persuaded 
Albert C. Outler to leave his prestigious Timothy Dwight Professorship of 
Theology at Yale Divinity School and to share in the great adventure of 
building in Texas a "new" Methodist seminary with a national purview. The 
two old friends began together at Perkins in September 1 95 1 , and share they did 
on matters of policy and new faculty. 

Indeed when Willis Tate became President of SMU, they shared with him on 
numerous occasions their wisdom and counsel on strengthening the university. 
Perkins was and remains an integral part of SMU, and their suggestions to move 


SMU further toward academic excellence sprang from their loyal concern for 
the university's larger enterprise. To this then-young observer, watching Tate, 
Cuninggim, and Outler (and from time to time others as well ) quietly advancing 
ideas to enhance the whole university provided some thrilling and grateful 
reflection. A somewhat similar pattern continued for some years after 
Cuninggim' s departure. 

By 1959, except for Marsh and Grimes, the pre-1951 faculty had retired. 
Dean Cuninggim thus had the rare task of building virtually an entirely new 
faculty and enlarging it during the decade of the 1950s. 

Designed by architect Mark Lemmon, the new Georgian-style Theology 
Quadrangle graced the campus. Yet designing and crafting the academic 
infrastructure essential for the new Perkins School of Theology required a 
different kind of architect, and one uniquely qualified. President Umphrey Lee 
found and brought to SMU for that purpose the remarkably talented Merrimon 
Cuninggim. Enlarging SMU' s commitment to ministerial theological training, 
and with its new resources, he brought about a sea change — a first-class 
seminary and a national reputation of excellence for Perkins. 

Part of that perceived excellence relates to the Bridwell Library, made 
possible by J. S. Bridwell and his daughter Margaret Bridwell Bowdle of 
Wichita Falls, with its remarkable and magnificent collections begun by 
librarian Decherd Turner. Significant, too, was the way in which the great 
majority of those appointed to and gaining tenure on the Perkins faculty 
remained at Perkins and provided a strong teaching core, a fact observed 
especially by some visiting professors, including those from overseas. 

Also important to note was the arrival in 1954 of a Cuninggim appointee, 
Joseph D. Quillian, Jr., as Professor of Homiletics and Worship. With his 
Vanderbilt B.D. and Yale Ph.D., and also a Navy chaplain, he had come from 
the presidency of Martin College in Pulaski, Tennessee. When in mid- 1960 
Cuninggim accepted the Danforth Foundation' s invitation, Quillian succeeded 
him as Dean. He continued to build on the foundation laid by his predecessor 
and greatly to enhance the growth and strength of Perkins during his twenty- 
one-year active tenure. 

James E. Kirby, a Perkins student during Cuninggim' s near-decade with a 
B.D. (1957) and an S.T.M. (1959), had gone to Cambridge (1957-58), and 
gained his Ph.D. from Drew in 1963. After teaching at Sweet Briar (1963-67), 
he went to Oklahoma State University ( 1 967-76) as Professor of Religion and 
Chair of the Department of Religion (1967-70) and then as Director of the 
School of Humanistic Studies. Dean of Drew Theological Seminary (1976- 
81), he succeeded Quillian at Perkins in 1981, and continues as Dean today. 

Howard Grimes, late Professor of Christian Education Emeritus, having 


known and studied under the SMU School of Theology faculty in place from 
the early 1920s and those added in the 1930s, and having been on the Perkins 
faculty from 1949 to 1982, had experienced both sides of the sea change. He 
was unusually qualified to write this history of the seminary. He loved Southern 
Methodist University, Perkins School of Theology, and the United Methodist 
Church. He produced this book as a labor of love and commitment and, despite 
the massive physical odds arrayed against him, virtually completed it. On 
behalf of the Perkins faculty, I express our deep gratitude for our beloved and 
departed colleague and author of this book, Howard Grimes. 

William Richey Hogg 
October 1990 


The Birth of a University 

On a rainy Wednesday, 22 September 1915, 436 students completed registra- 
tion, and thirty more completed the process the next day. Before the academic 
year ended, 706 individuals had registered in a university prepared to receive 
500.' Fourteen of these students in the newly created Southern Methodist 
University were graduate theological students enrolled in the Bachelor of 
Divinity program. Other theological students included undergraduates, who 
for some years were counted in the theological total, and students enrolled in 
special programs to make a total of ninety. Those who had seen the need for a 
theological school, as well as those who had pushed for a university in Dallas, 
were thus vindicated through the largest enrollment. President Hyer believed, 
any university had ever had on its opening day. 

On that opening day, SMU was scarcely a university — it consisted of a 
College of Arts and Science with theological and music faculties attached. The 
campus contained two permanent buildings, Dallas Hall and a dormitory 
originally intended for men but used for women, and three brick veneer 
dormitories, not in the permanent plans, for men. Fortunately the Waxahachie 
District of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, had provided the money to 
build a wide boulevard extending from Mockingbird Lane to the steps of Dallas 
Hall. This boulevard, named for Dr. Horace Bishop, the presiding elder of the 
Waxahachie District, provided ready access to the main building, but what 
sidewalks there were were wooden. The black, sticky mud of the prairie campus 
must have horrified President Hyer as he saw it tracked into the rotunda of a 
building which he classed with the great buildings of the world. And this Dallas 
Hall was the one building to house all classrooms, offices, library, and chapel.-^ 

The Urge to Build a Methodist University in Texas 

This opening day of Southern Methodist University, including its department 
or school of theology,^ culminated four years of intense planning and prepa- 
ration and at least fifteen years of discussion concerning a Methodist university 
in Dallas. The central actor in this process from the very beginning was Robert 
Stewart Hyer, scientist, church leader, and educator extraordinaire. 



Exactly when the process began and all the people involved will probably 
never be known with certainty. Walter Vernon, the historian of Texas Methodism, 
says that the earliest record he has found in reference to such a school was in 
the Texas Christian Advocate of 25 September 1902. A letter from A. P. Smith 
of Valley Mills, Texas, contains these words: "Was it not a sad mistake for 
Methodism that Southwestern University was . . . located in Georgetown? . . . 
Dallas would be a fine place for the location of our university."" Hyer, in a 
handwritten copy of his account of the founding of Southern Methodist 
University, written in 1915 but made public in Mrs. Hyer's handwriting after 
Dr. Hyer's death in 1929, asks the question: "Who first thought of founding a 
Methodist University in Dallas?" He then recounts the advice of Dr. Wallace 
Buttrick of the General Board of Education, a Rockefeller-funded foundation 
for aid to southern education. Buttrick came to Georgetown around 1905 to 
look over Southwestern as a possible place for the Board to do some of its work. 
"You must move to a city where you can get the support and patronage of the 
city," he said, "before the General Board will agree to help you." Hyer then 
asked about Dallas, and according to the manuscript, Buttrick replied: "It is the 
best unoccupied territory in the south."^ 

In 1906 the Southern Methodist conferences in Texas called a meeting in 
Dallas which about 1 ,200 representatives attended. It followed an earlier such 
convention held in 1870 and 1871, and out of which Southwestern University 
was established as a central Methodist university for Texas.^ In the addresses 
of the 1907 convention it is taken for granted that Vanderbilt is the principal 
university for Southern Methodism.^ Never is the possibility of moving South- 
western or establishing another university mentioned. It is significant, how- 
ever, that out of this convention came the appointment of a Texas Methodist 
Education Commission whose purpose was to "devise and direct such educa- 
tional movements as shall be for the good of all our schools in the State. "^ 

Also during 1906, at the meeting of the General Conference of the M. E. 
Church, South, in Birmingham, Alabama, Mr. R. S. Munger promised to give 
$25,000 for a university in Dallas. The promise was made to Hyer in a 
conversation that also included Dr. John R. Nelson.*^ 

A few years later, Bishop Seth Ward, shortly before his death, proposed to 
Dr. Hyer that a theological school apart from a university be established in 
Dallas. One of his reasons for wanting this was the uneasy feeling he had about 
Vanderbilt University (soon, it turned out, to be detached from the Methodist 
Episcopal Church, South). Bishop Ward added, "... if I were satisfied [with 
Vanderbilt], I think that our church needs another school and I am sure that it 
should be located in Dallas."'" He proposed to begin at once in the raising of 


Hyer stoutly opposed a school of theology separate from a total university, 
but the two agreed that Ward would begin his campaign but not mention a 
location." Unfortunately Bishop Ward died in Kobe, Japan, in 1909 a short 
time after the conversation, and no one else had been prepared to take up the 

Why a University in Texas? 

In the meantime Southwestern University had not stood still. It was declared 
as the successor to earlier colleges in Texas, such as Rutersville, and therefore 
its beginning has consistently been traced back to the 1840s. Dr. F. A. Mood 
had founded Southwestern in 1 873 as a college for men. In 1 878 it became co- 
educational, with a parallel college for women. In 1891 Dr. John H. McLean 
became its regent (president), followed by Robert D. Hyer in 1 897. '^ Hyer had 
taught science there since 1 882. The school had a good beginning under Mood 
and McLean and it grew and prospered under Hyer's leadership. Southwestern 
was considered the only Class A college the Methodist church had in Texas.''* 

During Hyer's presidency, in 1903, Southwestern established a medical 
school in Dallas, and by 1 905 the school had a new $50,000 building at Hall and 
Bryan, largely through the efforts of the Rev. John R. Nelson, a minister in the 
North Texas Conference.'^ The school was located across the street from St. 
Paul Hospital and boasted first-rate medical doctors on its teaching staff. 

During 1907 a vigorous campaign was waged to increase support for 
Southwestern. Numerous articles are included in the Texas Christian Advocate 
during the year. The school still maintained a preparatory department (called 
picturesquely a "fitting school"), with 1 33 of its total student body of 5 10 being 
in that department in 1907."' This was deemed necessary since many Texas 
students at that time did not have access to college preparatory education. 

Then in 1908 a theological department was established at Southwestern to 
meet the needs of the large number of pre-ministerial students on campus, with 
E. D. Mouzon as head of the department. '^ According to the Texas Christian 
Advocate, Southwestern had had 550 ministerial students since its opening.'* 
Frank Seay was brought to the department for Greek and biblical studies a year 
later.''' But the question that many people raised, as we have already seen, was 
this: Could a major university receive the support it needed if that school were 
located in a small town? Many people had decided that it could not. 

As church leaders, and later the church officially through its Educational 
Commission, began to think seriously about this question, other facts also 
entered into their deliberations. One must have been the growth of the state 
schools. Until the 1 870s, higher education was provided by the church schools: 
the older Baylor in 1 845 and the combined Waco and Baylor, at Waco, in 1 886, 


for example. The Presbyterian entry was Trinity University at Tehuacana in 
1869, with a move to Waxahachie in 1902 (and now in San Antonio). Texas 
Christian University was established in 1910 but grew out of a small college at 
Tharp Springs much earlier.^" Rice Institute, a private school, began in 1912, 
and awarded its first Ph.D. degree in 1918.^' 

The first state college was Texas A & M, founded in 1 876 at College Station. 
The first teacher training school came into being at Huntsville in 1879, Sam 
Houston Normal Institute. And the University of Texas at Austin was a relative 
latecomer, in 1883.^^ 

Always present in the thinking of those interested in Methodist education in 
Texas was the threat of losing Vanderbilt by the M. E. Church, South. Founded 
early in 1873 and opened for classes in 1875, Vanderbilt early came under the 
influence of outside forces because of the gifts of Cornelius Vanderbilt.^^ With 
a self-perpetuating Board of Trustees and no clear statement in its charter of its 
Methodist ties, it was decided by the Supreme Court of Tennessee in 1914 "that 
the church no longer held any rights in Vanderbilt University."^'' Because of this 
experience, the control of SMU was carefully placed in the hands of the 
Methodist Episcopal Church, South,^^ and after unification, ownership was 
given to the South Central Jurisdiction of The Methodist Church. 

Another motive in the establishing of a university in Dallas was so that both 
the lay and clerical leadership of Southern Methodism would have a first-class 
university in the state. The documents from about 1 9 1 1 to 1 920 make this quite 
clear.^^ Included in this desire was also the need felt by many for a school of 
theology near enough that more candidates for ministry would attend. As early 
as 1907 material began to appear in the Texas Christian Advocate concerning 
the shortage of Methodist preachers.'' A subsequent article noted that many 
preachers were not serving full time.^^ An editorial a short time later surmised 
that not many students would go to Vanderbilt or Drew, and that the new 
theological department at Southwestern was the place for them to receive their 
training.^^ There was, to be sure, still a suspicious attitude toward theological 
schools by many Methodists in Texas, but the leadership at least recognized the 
increasing need in education beyond the basic degree and the establishing of a 
university made it possible to have a theological school for advanced training. 
It is difficult to tell from the extant evidence, however, just how much of a factor 
this was in the establishing of Southern Methodist University. 

Hyer's Planning Work 

Hyer, of course, was president of Southwestern University until 1911. This did 
not prevent him from investigating Dallas as a possible site for a university. 
Naturally, not everyone approved of this thinking (since it could not be kept 


secret), and many citizens of Georgetown, who feared the loss of Southwestern, 
were open in their criticism of him.^*' Among other advocates of a university in 
Dallas was David F. Houston, President of Washington University in St. Louis 
and a trustee of the General Board of Education. Houston had been president 
of both Texas A & M and the University of Texas according to Hyer, and was 
later Secretary of Agriculture. In 1910 John M. Moore and Hyer visited 
Houston in St. Louis, and Houston asserted his conviction that Dallas would be 
a great place for a university and encouraged Hyer in Hyer's hope for a grant 
from the General Board of Education to accomplish this purpose. Both Houston 
and Moore agreed to come to Dallas to make an appeal to the citizens of Dallas 
for support of such a university.^' 

Although it was not possible to keep all this a complete secret, it had not been 
made public in a general sense. All of this changed when H. A. Boaz, then 
president of Polytechnic College in Fort Worth, wrote to Hyer on 7 March 
1910, advocating that Southwestern be moved to the Polytechnic campus in 
Fort Worth, with a college (but not a university) remaining in Georgetown. An 
exchange of letters with Hyer deeply disapproving the move to Fort Worth 
ensued, with three letters from Boaz to Hyer and two replies from Hyer. The 
public press got wind of the brewing controversy and reported it in the daily 
papers. This led G. C. Rankin, long-time editor of the Texas Christian Advo- 
cate, the official Methodist paper of Texas, to publish the letters in full in three 
editions of the Advocate?^ A holograph of Bishop Boaz in the archives of 
Bridwell Library simply says he "raised a mighty row" in 1910. 

Rankin wrote an editorial in the Advocate as follows: 

There has scarcely been a single year during the twelve that we have been 
editor of the paper that some one has not tried to break into these columns 
with an article upon the question of removing Southwestern University. 
But up to the beginning of this conference year we studiously declined to 
permit the question to be discussed in the Advocate. Yet we felt all along 
that it was only a question of time when this battle would have to be fought 
to a finish in the Advocate and before the Annual Conferences.^^ 

The Decision: Begin a New University 

Previous to this open dialogue in the Advocate in 1 9 1 0, Nathan Powell, member 
of the Southwestern University Board and pastor at Brenham, attempted to get 
a commission appointed to study the matter of higher education in Texas, as 
mandated by the Convention of 1906.^'' A year later such a Commission did 
come into being, with two clergy and two lay members from each of the five 
annual conferences in Texas.^^ Bishop James Atkins, of North Carolina, was 
made chair of the Commission which met first on 1 8 January 1 9 1 1 in Austin.^^ 


From this time on the Commission provided leadership for the establishment 
and early supervision of the new university. 

In the meantime Hyer had not been inactive. He proceeded with his 
discussions in spite of the fact that the Commission had still not made a decision 
or even been organized. Dallas citizens became concerned with Fort Worth's 
offer to move Southwestern there; so in 19 10 Hyer arranged a meeting between 
Mayor Hay of Dallas, Dr. John P. McReynolds, dean of the medical school, and 
Mr. Babcock, the secretary of the Chamber of Commerce, with Wallace 
Buttrick of the General Board of Education. Out of this meeting, held in Little 
Rock, Arkansas, grew the action which led to Dallas' s raising $300,000 and the 
securing of land north of the already developed Highland Park as the site for the 

On 10 June 1910, the Southwestern Board voted not to move Southwestern. 
The Commission, therefore, had to make a decision whether and if so where to 
establish a new university. In ensuing months Fort Worth made a valiant effort 
to outbid Dallas for the university, but in the end the Commission voted, on 3 
February 191 1, to locate anew university just to the north of Highland Park, in 
what eventually was to become the town of University Park.^* In a later meeting 
in April the Commission, after considerable discussion, decided on a name. 
Bishop Atkins urged that the school be named Texas Wesleyan University. He 
was voted down, partly because members of the commission felt there were 
already too many Wesleyan universities, and Southern Methodist University 
became the preferred name. Hyer was elected president, Boaz vice-president 
(to raise money), and Frank Reedy, who was at Southwestern, as bursar.^'' The 
Commission also awarded the medical school to SMU. There is a bit of irony, 
to say the least, and perhaps some unpleasantness, in the fact that Hyer and Boaz 
who had argued so strongly for Dallas and Fort Worth as sites of the university 
should now be colleagues. 

Obtaining the Money 

How much money and land did Dallas actually provide for Southern Methodist 
University? Mrs. Armstrong provided the land for the campus. The four major 
donors were W. W. Caruth, R. S. Munger, Alex Sanger, and Mrs. Alice 
Armstrong.'*" The $300,000 figure, with more coming later, is probably 
accurate, though $325,000 is sometimes given. There is no record whether all 
of it was paid, but apparently most or all of it was. The land deal is more difficult 
to assess. Thomas' s figure, based on various sources, is probably as nearly right 
as any. She gives the figure as 662.5 acres, following Hyer in his handwritten 
copy of the founding of SMU."*' She does not speak of the 725 acres in which 
W. W. Caruth gave a half-interest to the University. Caruth owned 7,000 acres 


just north of the proposed campus site."^ According to the Executive Committee 
Minutes, located in the office of the Secretary to the University, officials of 
SMU spent a great deal of time selling lots both singly and in groups, until in 
the 1940s.'*^ In fact, prior to the establishing of the town of University Park, 
SMU served as the chief developer of the fledgling community which became 
University Park. 

Hyer was convinced that the University could not be established without 
drawing upon three sources of income: the General Board of Education, the city 
of Dallas, and the Methodists of Texas.'*^ We have seen that Dallas came through 
generously and quickly. The General Board of Education pledged $200,000 of 
matching funds if $800,000 could be raised for endowment in other ways.^"* It 
was a number of years before the Board was satisfied that the matching amount 
had been raised, though it paid part of the pledge early. 

Texas Methodists were enthusiastic about the new University but, either 
because they could not or would not, were slow in raising their portion of the 
endowment. The Advocate, from 1911 to 1915, gave generous space to the 
raising of the money. Hyer gives considerable credit to Bishop Atkins for the 
campaign, even though his episcopacy was in North Carolina. John M. Moore 
and Vice-President Boaz, along with three special "commissioners" for raising 
funds — L. S. Barton, J. T. McClure, and J. D. Young — were also active.'**' 
Sunday School rallies, a rally at Fair Park during the State Fair of 191 1, and 
various other methods — even gimmicks such as a trip to Yellowstone National 
Park — were used.^^ By November 1914, the bursar of the University could 
report to the West Texas Conference that 15,000 people had made subscrip- 
tions, with the average pledge being $70.00.^^ It is difficult if not impossible to 
determine how many of these pledges were never paid. 

In the meantime, H. D. Knickerbocker, perhaps the greatest fund-raiser 
among Methodist ministers in the early years of this century, had been brought 
into the team of fund-raisers. He called his campaign "the Knickerbocker 
Special," and publicity for it included a train steaming down the track. He 
himself gave $1,000, and sought for ninety-nine other people to do likewise.''^ 
Thomas states that he did in fact secure 1 25 pledges of $ 1 ,000 or more."^" In spite 
of all these efforts, however, the University went into operation short of its goal 
of $1,000,000 for endowment. 

These financial campaigns were for the University as a whole, though much 
of the money would benefit the school of theology indirectly. The General 
Board of Education money could not be used for theology, however, and the 
leadership of the University soon realized that funds had to be raised directly 
for that area of work. As early as 1 June 1913, H. A. Boaz and J. D. Young were 
made responsible for raising a special endowment fund for the school of 


SOUTHERN WETH'-''^'-"--rnf 



theology.^' There is a record of a gift of $25,000 from Mrs. W. D. Haynie of 
Rice, Texas. ^^ On 10 July 1913, the Building Committee authorized the raising 
of $250,000 for what is still called the Theological "Department."^^ In January 
1914, a campaign was launched to endow the theological department, ^"^ and in 
June 1914, the Texas Christian Advocate reported that $66,000 had been re- 
ceived by Theology in cash and subscriptions.^^ A Mackenzie Chair of Moral 
Philosophy was projected, named for "Old Master Mackenzie."^^ In 1 9 14 there 
was also a proposed chair in Religious Education, to be raised by Texas Sunday 
Schools,^' though it is not clear whether this was for Arts and Science or 
Theology. Vat Advocate reports that $30,000 was subscribed for the MacKenzie 
Chair,58 and $25,000 of the proposed $50,000 for the chair of Religious 

These early financial problems persisted over the years, and budget cut- 
backs have been necessary within recent years. Over the years a great deal of 
money has been raised for buildings and a substantial amount for endowment, 
but SMU had a late start in relation to the older universities of the nation. The 
School of Theology existed on a modest budget until 1946 when the magnifi- 
cent gift by the Perkins family made possible the building of a first-class school 
of theology. 

Planning for a University 

During this time of preparation, Hyer served as the chief instigator and designer 
of the new university: everything from the securing of a faculty to the design 
of the campus and its buildings, from the general supervision of financial drives 
to the details involved in curriculum and the first registration. Hyer' s proposed 
design proved far grander than most people could conceive. If the beginnings 
of a university are a portent of the future, Hyer set a goal which has always been 
better than the realized situation. 

Hyer's duties also included the supervision of the Medical College, which 
continued to have financial problems that led to the withdrawal for a time of its 
accreditation. In any case the Medical College lay claim to the first academic 
activities of Southern Methodist University^° — and also to its first recorded 
borrowing of money to tide the institution over a difficult time.^' After a few 
years of such problems, the Executive Committee decided to close the Medical 
College, and in 1918 sold the building to the Dallas Dental College, a state 

In the meantime the Board of Trustees had been organized and began 
functioning under the chairmanship of Horace Bishop, on 12 March 1912. 
Bishop held the position until 1916. Bishop, not to be confused with the C. M. 
Bishop of the faculty, was a "leading" pastor and presiding elder in the North 


Texas area. Beginning his ministry in 1868, he served well into the twentieth 
century. Twenty-four years of his ministry were spent as presiding elder, 
including the Fort Worth district.^^ 

One of the first responsibilities of the newly appointed Board was to think 
about buildings for the emerging school. By 1912 Hyer had done the prelimi- 
nary work on the main building and secured plans from a Chicago architectural 
firm. The building committee, of which Horace Bishop was also chair, asked 
for bids at its meeting on 6 May 1912.^ Hyer had done his planning well. After 
a survey of college buildings, he decided on the Georgian style.^^ Herbert 
Gambrell, in a 1 95 1 article, in order to indicate Hyer' s close attention to details, 
says that Hyer asked the architects to make low risers in the steps of Dallas Hall, 
and that he then cut them an additional inch lower than the architects had 

Since Dallas Hall is still a striking building, it is easy to imagine the effect 
it had on viewers as it was being built, and as it finally stood, almost alone, in 
the center of a broad prairie still replete with Johnson grass. Accompanying it, 
of course, was the North Texas Building, later called Atkins Hall and now 
Clements Hall, to be used temporarily as a women' s dormitory. But Dallas Hall 
was Hyer's great joy. The Texas Christian Advocate called it "an enduring 
monument as those of the Roman Empire and as beautiful as the classic 
structures of the age of Pericles." Another issue of the Advocate provided its 
dimensions: 258 x 109 feet at its greatest extremities, with the dome 83 feet 
above the first floor. The capitals of the front columns, says the writer, weigh 
more than four tons each, and were replicas of the Roman Pantheon' s capitals. ^^ 
According to James F. White, the building reflects the Georgian revival 
architectural style in vogue at the time (and used with greater and lesser success 
for the University's later buildings); Dallas Hall's basic form was that of the 
Roman Pantheon (built under the Emperor Hadrian in about 120 A.D., as 
mediated through Thomas Jefferson's classic Library at the University of 
Virginia (built in 1817-26).^^ 

Hyer had in fact had the architects lay out the entire campus, on as grand a 
scale as the 1 988 campus has turned out to be.^^ He described the two permanent 
buildings, Dallas Hall and what became Atkins/Clements Hall, as buildings 
"built for the ages."™ 

The laying of the cornerstone of Dallas Hall took place on 27 November 
1912, coinciding with the opening day of the North Texas conference.^' The 
builder was Fred A. Jones Construction Company, which submitted the lowest 
bid of $2 1 2,902.00.^- The H.&T.C. Railroad built a special spur from east of the 
campus to transport building material, a track which remained for many years 
and eventually became Fondren Street. 


Robert S. Hyer 

Who was this remarkable man whose vision helped to create Southern 
Methodist University and whose persistence and driving force led to its 
opening in September 1915? There is no definitive biography of the man, and 
perhaps none would be possible since his daughter says that he kept few 
personal records. His daughter's Robert Stewart Hyer: The Man I Knew is by 
her own admission not an objective biography.^^ The man must have had seri- 
ous flaws, for he was after all a member of the human race: but it is difficult to 
find any derogatory remarks against him. 

The basic facts of his life are: He was bom in Oxford, Georgia. At Emory, 
then located at Oxford, he "received every honor which the school and the 
student body could give"^"* and received both the B.A. and M.A. degrees from 
that institution. 

He came to Southwestern University in Georgetown in 1882 as professor of 
science, and is often called the first scientist in Texas. According to Herbert 
Gambrell's sketch for the Dictionary of American Biography, "his interest in 
science appears to have been awakened by Darwin's Origin of Species, which 
he considered the greatest scientific work in English."^^ He saw no conflict 
between Darwin and Christianity and was a devout Christian and Methodist, 
doing a great deal of lay preaching. His daughter notes that one of his former 
students said that the greatest sermon she had heard him deliver was entitled 
"Why I as a Scientist Believe in God."^^ Although he was criticized for his 
beliefs, no one could ever touch him significantly by such criticism. 

When John McLean resigned as president of Southwestern in 1898, Hyer 
was made regent (or president). That same year he received his first honorary 
degree, from Baylor University," an exceptional act at the time — a Methodist 
university president receiving a degree from a Baptist university. Although 
burdened with the demands of his office, Hyer continued his scientific work 
and designed the first Texas wireless station, which could transmit one mile.^^ 
He also made an X-ray machine which was "borrowed" by Georgetown doctors 
until they had access to a commercially made one.^^ 

We have already seen how Hyer's vision caused him to turn toward Dallas 
as a place where a great university could be built. In 191 1 he became president 
of this fledgling university. As Herbert Gambrell later describes what he did in 
these early years: "Hyer planned the campus, determined the architectural 
design, supervised the erection of its first five buildings, and obtained an 
endowment of about $300,000."^° In addition, he obtained a faculty, set up the 
organization of a university, and moved the new institution along so that it 
could enroll its first students (other than medical) in September 1915, one year 


later than many people hoped and a year after the Candler School of Theology 
at Emory University in Atlanta, Georgia, had begun its operation.^' 

Hyer never claimed to be a money raiser, though raising of money for 
buildings, operating expenses, and endowment was a necessity for the new 
school. With the help of others, he did rather well. But by 1919, the situation 
had become sufficiently desperate that the Board asked Hyer to step down, 
since the university owed $207,601 .34. H. A. Boaz was elected president; Hyer 
served as President Emeritus and Professor of Physics until his death on 29 May 
1 929.**^ He thus served the university he designed and loved for eighteen years. 

To Build a Great University 

Hyer had planned well, but in the winter of 1 9 1 5 there was still no place to house 
male students. A hasty campaign was begun, and by the opening of school three 
temporary dormitories were in place. One was named for G. C. Rankin, editor 
of the Texas Christian Advocate, who died in January of 1915. The other two 
bore the prosaic names of North and South Halls. *^ 

Integral to this university was its department, or school, of theology. 
Surprisingly little is said in the sources during its founding years about this part 
of the school. Near the opening time an attempt was made, not too successfully, 
to provide an endowment for theology.**"* Yet most of what concerns the uni- 
versity as a whole also concerns the school of theology, for it was never thought 
of as a separate entity but rather as part of the whole. 

Hyer's dream, and that of such leaders as John M. Moore and of many rank 
and file members of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, far exceeded the 
reality of that first college with music and theology attached. As Hyer himself 
said in this very early period, "We have only thus far laid the foundation for a 
university."^^ His idea of a university was founded, as was that of John M. 
Moore and Frank Seay (both having attended European universities), more on 
the German university than any other pattern. Hyer knew that SMU had only 
begun to be such a university, but he believed that the church could build such 
an institution and that his dream would eventually be realized.^* 

As I have surveyed the records of Southern Methodist University, I have been 
struck by the fact that this dream of Hyer's has guided its subsequent leaders. 
Their reach has always exceeded their grasp, but in their reaching, steps have 
been taken toward the goal which Robert Stewart Hyer set for Southern 
Methodist University in those founding years. 

Marshall Terry, professor of English and sometime member of the adminis- 
tration, said this to the Board of Trustees on 6 November 1964: "The founders 
had no 'run of the mill' institution in mind; there was from the first a sense of 
great potential for SMU."**^ 

The Early Years: 

The final days before SMU's first registration were feverish days of prepara- 
tion. Bishop Mouzon, the dean of the School of Theology, was away on 
episcopal duties. President Hyer had asked Mouzon to assemble a faculty and 
guide the new school of theology in its first months in spite of his other 
responsibilities. Mouzon and Frank Seay had taught together at Southwestern, 
and so it was Seay who was drafted to make preparations for the organization 
of classes and the registration of students.' Earlier during the summer Seay and 
John McGinnis had assisted President Hyer in the preparation of the University' s 
first bulletin or catalog.^ 

A hasty, last-minute campaign had produced sufficient money to build but 
not pay for the three temporary men' s dormitories completed just before classes 
began: Rankin, North, and South Halls.^ The waterworks which served both the 
University and the fledgling new but still unincorporated town of University 
Park were completed just in time for the opening of the University.* Until the 
incorporation of University Park in 1924, the community was for all practical 
purposes an adjunct to the University. In one Executive Committee meeting, 
for example, the bursar of the University was authorized to visit with several 
people in the neighborhood to advise them that unless they connected with the 
University's sewage system, their water and gas privileges, also furnished 
through the University, would be denied.^ 

The trolley car line had been extended to the northern part of the campus, and 
its operation began on 1 January 1915. By September 1, the physical facilities 
for the University were in place, and now the more subtle work of building its 
academic life began. 

There is no indication of this fact, but it seems likely that the fourteen 
graduate theological students were fewer than had been expected. To be sure, 
the grand total of ninety theological students, including undergraduates and 
those in special programs, out of a total student body of 706, was impressive. 

Those hectic first days, presided over by and large by people who were 
inexperienced in registration, were partly compensated for by the warm 
welcome which the University received from the church and the Dallas 



community. The Dallas Ep worth League Union arranged a banquet at the 
Scottish Rite Cathedral, attended by more than one thousand.^ Gus Thomasson, 
often called Mr. Epworth League of Dallas and even of Texas, chaired the 
occasion, and it was indeed a gala evening. Two hundred Dallas citizens 
attended an opening faculty reception on September 4, and a parade was held 
downtown on September 9. 

University Resources 

What kind of school did those first students discover? It is tempting to deride 
the University in those first years; yet there were some excellent faculty: for 
example, J. H. McGinnis in Arts and Science and Frank Seay in Theology. Miss 
Mary McCord, who developed a superb theatre program, began her work in 
1915 and continued until 1945. Hyer knew how to assemble a faculty, and he 
did a rather remarkable job in view of the obstacles he faced. 

Other resources were less impressive. No one developed an adequate library 
prior to the opening, and Frank Reedy, the bursar, was asked to confer with the 
City librarian about the use of books from that source.^ At the end of the first 
year, the theology library, which was incorporated into the total, had 1,488 
volumes, secured largely through gifts from individuals and from the Method- 
ist Publishing House.* 

The University, through the School of Theology, offered a standard B.D. 
course, taking three years for completion, including one of the biblical 
languages. But it was also possible for students to take theology courses as 
undergraduates, up to 45 quarter hours, and then to apply part of that work on 
the B.D. degree later, in the form of double credit.*^ It was also possible to take 
the regular theological course excepting language without an undergraduate 
degree and receive a certificate. '° 

From the beginning the School of Theology recognized a corresponding 
responsibility to those who could not attend regular courses in any of the three 
ways listed. Extension work was therefore set up beginning in January 1916. 
Through this process pastors and others came to the campus each Tuesday for 
special one-day-per-week courses offered by the regular faculty. Between 
10:15 A.M and 3:15 p.m., four courses were offered," with SMU students and 
visitors also being allowed entrance to the classes.'^ This practice continued in 
some form for many years. 

The Curriculum 

The process of curriculum revision began early in the history of the School of 
Theology, a process that has continued to the present. The original curriculum 
was fairly simple, with six quarter hours being required in both Old and New 



Testament (twelve altogether); thirteen quarter hours in one of the biblical 
languages; nine hours in Church History and Missions; six hours in the 
psychology and philosophy of rehgion; twelve hours in Religious Efficiency 
(practical theology), and six hours in public speaking and voice. A major had 
to be selected during the student's second year with thirty quarter hours 
required in the major subject and fifteen in the minor department.''' 

A few years after this initial curriculum was adopted, another took its place, 
not radically different but not identical either. Nine departments were estab- 
lished: Old Testament, New Testament, Church History, Philosophy of Reli- 
gion, Ministerial Efficiency, Religious Education, Sociology, Christian Mis- 
sions, and Christian Doctrine. 

The three years were outlined as follows: 

First Year 



New Testament 




Methodist Doctrine 


N.T. Greek 

Old Testament Old Testament 

General Church General Church 

History History 

Religious Religious 

Education Education 

Sociology Sociology 

Ministerial Ministerial 

Efficiency Efficiency 

N.T. Greek N.T. Greek 
Public Speaking, 1 hour throughout the academic year 

Second Year 
New Testament Homiletics Homiletics 

General Christian Phil, or Psych. Phil, or Psych. 

Doctrine of Religions of Religions 

The remainder of the work was elective, with the same major and minor 
requirements as previously.'^ 

The Faculty 

The work of implementing the first curriculum was the task of five full-time and 
four part-time faculty during 1915 and 1916. 

Bishop Edwin D. Mouzon was the first dean, in addition to his episcopal 
responsibilities which, after 1914, took him away from Dallas. Mouzon, it will 
be remembered, began the theological department at Southwestern University 
in 1908. He was elected bishop in 1910, but agreed to Hyer's request to help 



n. c. 




organize the new School of Theology. Mouzon was a widely respected 
churchman and educator, with his most distinctive academic achievement 
being the delivery of the Lyman Beecher Lectures at Yale, published under the 
title Preaching with Authority. He served until mid- 19 16 when he returned to 
his episcopal responsibilities full-time. 

Ivan Lee Holt was the chair of the faculty,'^ professor of Old Testament, and 
chaplain of the University. Holt was the youngest member of the theology 
faculty and the only one possessing the Ph.D. degree, from the University of 
Chicago. He had had six years of pastoral experience prior to coming to SMU. 
One remembered event of his chaplaincy was his daring to wear a pulpit robe 
in the university chapel. The outcry was so great, however, that he backed 
down, and it was many years before this "popish" custom took root on the SMU 
campus (the mid- 1 950s). '^ Holt went on to St. John's Church in St. Louis in 
1918 and remained there until his election to the episcopacy in 1938.'^ In later 
years Holt was active in ecumenical matters. 

PaulB. Kern was professor of English Bible first and later of Homiletics and 
Ministerial Efficiency (Pastoral Administration). His father had been a profes- 
sor at Vanderbilt and at Randolph-Macon College; so Kern was at home in an 
academic setting. After his graduation from Vanderbilt, he taught there for two 
years, and then served churches in Tennessee until he was called to the SMU 
faculty. He used his father's textbook. The Ministry to the Congregation, and 
as William C. Martin (later a bishop) put it: "We soon learned that the price of 
a good grade in homiletics was the virtual memorization of this book."'* Kern 
became Dean of the School of Theology after the resignation of Hoyt M. 
Dobbs, and remained in that position until 1926 when he returned to the 
pastorate of Travis Park, San Antonio. He was elected bishop in 1930.'^ 

James Kilgore, the senior member of the faculty, was an M. A. graduate from 
Southwestern University and attended the University of Chicago for five 
summers. He had been a pastor for more than twenty years, and was presiding 
elder of the Houston District when he was called to the seminary. He was first 
connected with Southern Methodist University as a member of the Education 
Commission which called for its establishment.'^ He then became a member of 
the Board of Trustees and remained a member even after beginning to teach. 
During his first year he taught Pastoral Theology and Religious Education, but 
later changed to Philosophy and Psychology of Religion, and often taught 
courses in Christian Doctrine. He was acting President of the University 
between Boaz' s and Selecman' s tenures, and was acting Dean of the School of 
Theology from 1926 to 1933.'' 

Frank Seay was the acknowledged star of the faculty. Seay came to the 
faculty of Southwestern in 1909, and was Hyer's first choice to follow him to 

THE EARLY YEARS : 1 9 1 0-20 17 

Southern Methodist University. His father, Thomas Seay, was the governor of 
Alabama from 1 886 to 1 890, and was generally considered a progressive one.^^ 
Frank was graduated from Southern University at age 17, studied law for two 
years, and later did his theological work at Vanderbilt and additional graduate 
work at the University of Chicago, Harvard, the University of Berlin, and 
Oxford University. He was professor of New Testament and New Testament 
Greek until his untimely death in February 1 920. 

Two other members were selected but did not serve. Gross Alexander was 
to have taught Church History, but he died just prior to the opening of the 
University.^^ Fitzgerald Parker, from the Methodist General Board of Educa- 
tion, was scheduled to teach in the field of Christian Doctrine, but decided that 
he could not leave his position in Nashville. ^^ 

Frank Reedy, University bursar, taught in the field of Sunday School 
organization, and during the first year of classes, the Rev. J. L. Bell, pastor of 
East Dallas Presbyterian Church, taught Church History, and George M. 
Gibson, a Dallas Methodist pastor, taught Christian Doctrine during the winter 
and spring quarters." 

Others took part in the life of the School of Theology. For example, A. Frank 
Smith (later a bishop), in addition to his responsibilities in a men's dormitory 
and his pastorate of the University Church, served as "secretary" to handle 
inquiries during the summer of 1 9 1 6.'^ He is also listed as a lecturer in Religious 
Education.'^ Some theology faculty members also taught undergraduate classes. 
Although classes were usually small, the teaching load was heavy as these 
SMU pioneers labored to set the new University, including its School of 
Theology, on its proper academic course. 

Sometimes, faculty minutes are characterized by a failure to give a later 
reader the details needed to know what exactly happened, and the School of 
Theology faculty minutes are no exception. But perhaps the strangest set of 
minutes is the first recorded, in the handwriting of Frank Seay who served as 
first secretary to the faculty. Dated 22 October 1915, the minutes begin: 

The faculty of the School of Theology of Southern Methodist University 
met informally on the banister railing of Mr. Kern's residence on October 
22, 19 15, with Ivan Lee Holt, Chairman of the faculty in the chair. Present, 
Messrs. Holt, Kern, Kilgore and Seay.^* 

During the following four years, new faculty were added and a change of 
deans occurred. Bishop Mouzon resigned as dean in mid- 19 16, and Hoyt M. 
Dobbs succeeded him a few months later^' and taught Christian Doctrine. Horace 
M. Whaling became Professor of Church History and Missions in the fall of 
1916.^° Jesse Lee Cuninggim, father of Merrimon Cuninggim (later Dean), 
came to teach Religious Education in January 1917, at which time he set up the 


Correspondence School (Department of Ministerial Supply and Training), 
which he had first established at Vanderbilt. Comer M. Woodward occupied a 
new chair in Sociology, with equal responsibility for undergraduate teaching, 
at about the same time.^' After Ivan Lee Holt's resignation in 1918, John A. 
Rice was added to the faculty to begin his work in 1920. Miss Mary McCord, 
who was a part of the larger faculty from the beginning and who produced the 
first Shakespearean drama. As You Like It, in 1916, began giving non-credit 
work in speech in 1917.^^ J. W. Hubbell of the School of Music also taught 
Church Music." 

Space for Theology 

The School of Theology had its own space in Dallas Hall. Its classes and offices 

shared the east end of the third floor with Miss McCord' s public speaking 

department. Somewhere on the third floor were also the piano studios, and most 

of the west end was utilized by the university chapel. (Theology had a small 

chapel of its own.) We can only wonder now how all the activities of the 

fledgling University could have occurred in one building. Herbert Gambrell, 

who graduated in 1921 while this condition still persisted, describes it many 

years later in this bit of nostalgia: 

It all seemed pretty grand, that University under a single roof Of course, 

fumes from the chemistry laboratory and hamburger grill in the basement 

had a way of rising and penetrating: and sounds of pianos, lungs and brass 

instruments at work on the third floor floated downward. Odors from the 

cooking laboratory beneath the library made hungry students drool, and 

some complained that the embalming fluid in which biology specimens 

were preserved was unpleasant to smell in adjacent rooms. But it all 

seemed right and proper to us pioneers.^"* 

University Life 

The organization of university and theology school life began shortly after the 
opening of school. Umphrey Lee, later University President, was elected 
president of the student body, and Robert Goodloe, a later long-time professor 
in the School of Theology, was made president of the graduate class. ^^ E. W. 
Bridges was chosen as president of the theological student body^^ and became 
the first B .D. graduate in 1 9 1 6. J. Coy Wilhams was awarded the first certificate 
at the first graduation." 

University chapel was compulsory, of course, and held in the west end chapel 
of the top floor of Dallas Hall. The School of Theology held its own chapel 
according to various patterns — weekly during the day or in the evening, and 
later daily.^* 

THE EARLY years: 1910-20 19 

Student organizations quickly came into existence, and theology students 
were often active in them. The earliest were the YMCA and the YWCA, with 
the former given responsibility for student employment.^'* A Ministerial As- 
sociation was organized in February 1916, with E. W. Bridges as president and 
George Gibson as secretary. ^° It was not until 1919 that a ministerial club of 
both graduate and undergraduate students was organized."*' 

Social gatherings of theology faculty and students were held occasionally, 
the first of record being in December 1915.^"^ Perhaps the sporadic nature of 
such matters was partly due to the school's being an integral part of the total 
university. Ivan Lee Holt, in his first report to the Board of Trustees, listed as 
the first distinctive aspect of SMU's School of Theology that its students were 
in close touch with other students."*^ (They could hardly be otherwise since they 
attended classes in the same building and lived in the same dormitories.) Also, 
there was little time for campus life. Twenty-two students held student 
pastorates,** and many others worked at other kinds of jobs."*^ 

"Take the School of Theology to the Church" 

From its beginning, the School of Theology felt a responsibility to provide 
opportunities for theological study to clergy and laity already active in the 
Methodist Episcopal Church, South. We have already seen how during the 
second quarter of our school's existence, an extension day was begun on 
campus. Other campus activities were also quickly put into effect. Holt' s report 
to the Board whose first article we have already noted contained a second which 
included this injunction: to take the School of Theology to persons already in 
the pastorate.''^ One means of doing this was to provide work by correspon- 
dence, some of which counted on a degree."*^ 

A major thrust was made in the summer of 1919 with the combined 
Preacher's Assembly and Western Training School for Sunday School Lead- 
ers, planned joindy with the General Sunday School Board.^^ The Sunday School 
conference continued for several summers, and the Pastor's School became a 
fixed tradition for many years until it was replaced by the longer Supply 
Pastors' School, of four weeks' duration. 

There were also plans to go into district conferences for theological educa- 
tion, but no record has been found concerning whether this was carried out.'*^ 
Faculty were asked to give "popular lectures" in the community as part of the 
school's extension work.^° 

Also during this early period, in 1918, the Correspondence Course of Study 
School was set up in Dallas. Previously this work, required for ordination 
without the B.D. degree, had all been done at Candler School of Theology. 
Now, the work for states west of the Mississippi was done at SMU, continuing 


for many years, into the 1950s.^' 

Near the end of this period a major breakthrough in what is now called 
"continuing education" was made in the establishment of the Fondren Lecture- 
ship in Christian Missions. In 1919 Mr. and Mrs. W. W. Fondren of Houston, 
who became one of the half-dozen major benefactors of Southern Methodist 
University, provided $10,000 as an endowment to bring eminent scholars and 
church leaders to the campus for a series of lectures.^^ Always to be related to 
the mission of the church, this series led, as we shall later see, to the beginning 
of Ministers' Week with eventually two other series of lectures. 

The Location of Scarritt College 

Another example of SMU' s reach exceeding its grasp occurred very early in its 
history in its attempt to secure Scarritt Bible and Training School for SMU. 
Scarritt was located in Kansas City where it was founded in 1892. When it 
sought a new location, the Executive Committee of the Board of Trustees 
decided to try to locate it on the SMU campus. They instructed Dr. Boaz, then 
Vice-President, "to use every means suitable to bring Scarritt Bible and 
Training School to Southern Methodist University."^^ The invitation was re- 
peated on 6 January 1921, and the Committee agreed to provide a satisfactory 
site for the school.^"* Later discussion occurred in what appears to be a signifi- 
cant effort of the Executive Committee to effect the change.^^ The desired result 
did not materialize, however, and eventually Scarritt was moved to Nashville 
in 1924, where it formed a three-way relationship with Vanderbilt University 
and George Peabody College for Teachers. ^^ 

Previous to this move, the Board of Trustees had presented a plan to the 
Boards of Missions and Education for establishing a School of Missions in 
connection with the School of Theology. Since neither SMU nor the board had 
the $500,000 needed to begin such a school, this too became an unrealized 

In these and other ways, attempts were made to broaden the experience of 
resident students and also to extend the benefits of the School of Theology to 
both clergy and laity in the field. When the attempts to get a major school of 
missions failed, for example, missionaries were brought to the campus for brief 
teaching stints. We shall see more of this in the following chapter. 


For many years, most of its life, the School of Theology operated on a modest 
budget with little endowment and with the University thinking of it as a separate 
entity to be supported by the Methodist Episcopal Church, South. The School 
demanded much of its small faculty and probably expanded beyond its ability 

THEEARLY years: 1910-20 21 

to do so, especially through its extension work. The church did provide funds,^* 
never as great as projected, however. Somehow, the School of Theology 
seemed usually able to operate within its budget. 

Students paid very little of the cost of their education. Fees were $10 per 
quarter. Room rent was free, except for heat and light which averaged about 
$2.00 per month. Board could be had for $4.00 per week.^^ Not until many years 
later, when two generous people from Wichita Falls, Texas, Mr. and Mrs. J. J. 
(Joe and Lois) Perkins, provided for the seminary's future, was it possible to 
build the kind of school of which John M. Moore and others dreamed in these 
early years. 

A Matter of Interest 

The account of the first University Church and later the founding of Highland 
Park Methodist Church is only a peripheral concern to this history of Perkins 
School of Theology. It does seem appropriate, however, to recount briefly its 
story, however difficult it is to understand some parts of it.^ 

During the fall of 1915 the University provided church services on Sunday, 
considered as an offshoot of the Oak Lawn Church. Sunday School and worship 
were begun as soon as registration was completed, with Horace Bishop 
preaching on the first Sunday.^' The sermons were regularly reported in the 
campus newspaper, and more than 400 students enrolled in Sunday School 
classes.^' From the beginning it seems to have been assumed that the SMU 
congregation would become, in Methodist terms, a "charge" of its own." 
According to Ivan Lee Holt, Chaplain, there were regular services but no 
organized church on campus during this first semester.^ 

Then SMU asked the presiding elder, O. F. Sensabaugh, on 28 January 1916, 
to form a duly constituted congregation on campus, and up to April 27, 150 
members had been received.'''' The first quarterly conference was conducted in 
February 1916.^^ In the meantime, A. Frank Smith had been appointed to the 
Forest Avenue Methodist Episcopal Church, South, on 13 December 1915, 
located near the Fair Grounds. In a later letter to J. J. Perkins, Bishop Smith tells 
of enrolling in the School of Theology but having to give up his courses when 
he was made pastor of the University Church.^^ 

But University Church persisted for less than six months. For reasons not 
explained, in May 1916 University Church was merged with First and Trinity 
downtown to form a new First Methodist Episcopal Church, South, and First 
Church was moved from its Commerce and Prather site to the Trinity Church 
building on McKinney at Pearl.^^ The new university church, later named 
Highland Park Methodist Episcopal Church, South, was therefore not a 
continuation of the campus church but rather a completely new congregation. 


Land for the new church was set aside at the 27 June 1916 Board of Trustees 
meeting.^^Frank Smith was appointed pastor of the new church but he remained 
only until the fall conference before he was sent to University Church, Austin^" 
The only hint which is given to explain why University Church was not simply 
moved to a new location is that the new church from its beginning had hoped 
to appeal to Methodist families already living in the new suburb of Highland 

Clovis Chappell was made the second pastor and a "little brown Church" was 
built. It grew rapidly to 412 members in 1917.^^ Chappell was transferred to 
Washington, D. C, and the pulpit was filled successively by H. M. Whaling, 
Paul B. Kern, Glenn Flinn, and C. O. Shugart, until Umphrey Lee was 
appointed pastor in November 1923, remaining until June 1936.^'' 

SMU and World War I 

World War I began on 14 July 1914, fourteen months before the opening of 
Southern Methodist University. America's entry was unthinkable at that time; 
and so the fact of entry on 1 April 1917 came as a shock to both individuals and 
institutions such as SMU. At the 7 June 1917 Board of Trustees meeting. 
President Hyer announced that SMU's attempt to secure a military instructor 
from the U. S. government had been denied. So the school had secured its own, 
a Major Conner, who had been in charge of cadets in Dallas High School.^" He 
also proposed that military science be made mandatory for all male students.^^ 

Even so, the reduction of male students was drastic, from 349 in 1916-17 to 
245 in 1 9 1 7- 1 8.^'' The School of Theology , its students not being automatically 
subject to military service, had actually increased slightly." By February 1918, 
according to the Campus, 143 students and faculty were serving in the armed 
forces. ^^ All of this, of course, made SMU's financial situation even bleaker 
than it already was. 

A future theology professor, Robert Goodloe, finished his B.D. at Yale and 
entered the chaplaincy soon thereafter.''^ A later report was that eleven SMU 
students had been killed in military service.^° 

Among other disasters which befell the University in 1917 was the partial 
destruction by fire of South Hall, on November 27. No one was injured since 
the fire occurred during chapel and only two people were in the building. 

A New Dean and a New President 

Hoyt M. Dobbs succeeded Bishop Mouzon as Dean of the School of Theology 
in late 1916. A graduate of Vanderbilt Divinity School, Dobbs was Dean for 
less than three years. During this time a new curriculum was put in place, and 
there is a record of the Dobbs family's entertaining the student body in their 

THE EARLY years: 1910-20 23 


Dobbs became ill in the summer of 1919, and James Kilgore, for the first of 
several times, was made acting Dean. Six months later, in March 1920, Dobbs 
resigned, and Paul B. Kern became acting Dean.^' Dobbs returned to the local 
church and was elected a bishop in 1922. Kern, of course, was soon made 
permanent Dean of the School of Theology. 

Under more unhappy circumstances, SMU also acquired a new president. 
For all of Hyer's genius in other areas of university administration, he was not 
an active fund raiser. He said so at the beginning of his presidency, and though 
he was instrumental in seeing that money was raised, the efforts were not 
adequate, and by 20 February 1920, an indebtedness of $207,601 .34 had been 
incurred.^^ This was a large debt for a small school, and obviously something 
had to be done. 

In a letter to Judge E. Cockrell, who had followed Bishop Mouzon as chair 
of the Board of Trustees in 1919, Ivan Lee Holt proposed two "heads of the 
University" based on a plan he knew at Washington University. There would 
have been a President who would conduct business and administrative affairs 
and a Chancellor who would direct student life and activities.*'* But this was not 

The natural candidate for the job was H. A. Boaz, the greatest long-term 
money-raiser in SMU's history (both before and for many years after his brief 
presidency). Boaz had left SMU' s vice-presidency to head the church' s Church 
Extension work in Louisville, Kentucky, and was reluctant to leave that work 
so soon. 

In the end, however, Hyer's resignation was accepted and he was made 
President Emeritus and Professor of Physics.*^ The Board then lost no time in 
electing Boaz, who by pre-arrangement had agreed. It was May 1920 before he 
could complete his work in Louisville, and he then began his urgent task of 
putting the school on a sounder financial basis.*^ 

Hyer's daughter, Ray Hyer Brown, recounts the incident with a certain 
bitterness. "In the presence of accolades from the academic world for having 
accomplished the impossible," she writes, "a fabrication of petty criticism had 
enmeshed him in an incredible web."*^ She recognizes the financial straits of 
the University but believes that jealousy over a lay person's being President of 
the University was at the base of the matter.^^ And who knows but that this may 
be the case: stranger things have happened in the church. One can only wonder, 
for example, why a fund raiser could not have been employed to work with 
Hyer. In any case a great man felt humiliated,^'' and in retrospect one can only 
wish that some other plan, perhaps Holt's, could have been implemented. 

Boaz did ameliorate the financial situation, partly by selling land which Hyer 


wanted to hold on to for the future.^" But Boaz remained in office only a little 
more than two years as he was elected to the episcopacy in 1922, the year in 
which Hoyt M. Dobbs was accorded the same honor. 

Fortunately, later years have recognized both President Hyer' s greatness and 
the contributions which he made to Southern Methodist University. Perhaps 
someone else could have done what he did between 1911 (and even earlier) and 
1920, but there is no obvious candidate for the honor. His contributions have 
been memorialized by a building on campus named Hyer Hall, and a bust 
presented by his daughter, Mrs. Ray Hyer Brown, in 1956.^' 

A Tribute to Frank Seay 

Almost simultaneously with the forced resignation of President Hyer occurred 
the death of the School of Theology's star scholar, Frank Seay. His academic 
credentials have already been given. Although he did not have a Ph.D. degree, 
all indications are that in knowledge and wisdom he far outshone many of those 
possessing this academic distinction. Perhaps the Board of Trustees summa- 
rized his qualities best when the framers of his obituary wrote: "He was one of 
those rarely gifted and specially called of God to be a teacher. "^^ The Dallas 
Morning News, in a front page article, declared him to be "one of the most 
prominent churchmen, lecturers, scholars, and authors in the United States."^^ 
The faculty resolution, written by Dean Hoyt M. Dobbs, included this sentence: 
"As a scholar, as a minister, as a teacher, and as one of the founders of the School 
of Theology, he has made a definite and permanent contribution to the history 
of the church.'"''* And the alumni magazine. The Mustang, described him as "a 
man of exact scholarship, broad culture, intense honesty, and unquestioned 
courage."^^ In 1919 he had accepted a position at the University of Texas, but 
at the urging of his fellow faculty, he had changed his mind and remained at 

Seay wrote mostly for pastors and laity, especially those in the Conference 
Course of Study. His way of remaining true to his own biblical understanding 
without offending his conservative readers was to take the critical conclusions 
for granted. For example, in presenting the story of the Old Testament he 
neither affirmed nor denied the Mosaic authority of the Pentateuch. Yet what 
he wrote clearly assumed a non-Mosaic source for the Bible's first five books. 
His books were widely used and well received.^^ 

Seay ' s scholarship was matched by his churchly and pastoral concern; he had 
served churches in Alabama for several years before coming to Southwestern 
University. One example illustrates his continued pastoral concern. O. W. 
Moemer, later a leader in the general Sunday School Board, tells that Seay 
found him one day standing on the balcony of the rotunda of Dallas Hall. 

THE EARLY years: 1910-20 25 

"Moemer," Seay said, "I'm ashamed of you. You know you ought to be in the 
Methodist ministry." That set Moemer thinking; he attended the School of 
Theology, and became a leader in the Methodist Episcopal Church, South.'* 
Seay died at his home on Haynie Avenue on 14 February 1920 at the age of 
38.^' He was survived by his wife Clara and two children, a daughter Hibemia, 
age 9, and a son, DeLesdemier, age 5.™ Mrs. Seay returned to Alabama, and 
no record has been found of Seay's descendants. A collection of 400 volumes 
was given to the library in his honor'"' and the 1 952 Committee on Building and 
Grounds was asked to locate an area on the campus to be designated as "Frank 
Seay Park.""^^ For many years a sign stood in the parkway in front of Atkins 
(now Clements) Hall, but it has long since disappeared. 

What Kind of School of Theology? 

Three statements concerning the nature of SMU's School of Theology con- 
clude this chapter. A pre-opening statement in the Texas Christian Advocate 
declared: "The opening of this department [School of Theology] foretells the 
spirit of the whole institution. It is to be Methodist but not exclusive. It must be 
decisively religious. "'°^ 

The SMU catalog for 1916-17 stated: "It is the plan of the School of 
Theology not to segregate the theological students from the general life of the 
University or use separate buildings either for classes or for dormitories.""'^ 

The Board of Trustees was told on 7 July 1917 that the curriculum of the 
School of Theology was correlative in nature: "Studies which ground men in 
the fundamentals of Christianity and those which relate the student to the world 
in which he lives have been prescribed."'"^ 

A New Dean, a New Building: 

The halcyon (though sometimes hectic) early years of Southern Methodist 
University were a time of slow but steady growth and an increasing stability — 
except in one area, the financial. We have already seen that the financial crisis 
led to the request of the Board of Trustees for President Hyer's resignation and 
the election of H. A. Boaz as his successor. Boaz's introduction of better 
financial management and the work of a special group for raising money solved 
the immediate crisis, but the problem remained, worse some years than others. 
The 1920s also brought a series of crises involving athletics, biblical 
understanding, and the administration of the University. We shall deal in this 
chapter with the ongoing life of the School of Theology, and in the next with 
the crises and their handling. 

Administrative Changes 

The first change, as we have seen, was the coming of H. A. Boaz to the 
presidency. Although he remained in office only two years before he was 
elected bishop, in 1922, he did by concentrating on the reorganization of the 
finances of the University put them on a sounder basis.' The process included 
a massive financial campaign chaired by Bishop John M. Moore, concluding 
in 1 924. The results put the University in its first viable financial situation. 

Part of the problem had been the unwillingness of the General Board of 
Education — John D. Rockefeller's foundation — to accept the accounting of 
SMU with regard to endowment. In fact, the Board felt that money for 
endowment had been used for operating expenses.' In 1920 the Board had 
pledged $333,000 toward a $1,000,000 endowment even though the original 
$200,000 bequest had not all been paid.^ The Moore campaign began to secure 
larger gifts for the first time, partly because of the new prosperity in Texas 
engendered by the oil boom. S. I. Munger pledged $100,000 and J. J. Perkins 
and W. B. Hamilton of Wichita Falls each gave $50,000.'* The campaign was 
greatly abetted by a gift in his will by Col. L. A. Pires, who had never set foot 
on the campus of SMU. His gift was by far the largest yet received, $500,000 
in 1 923,^ with the total gifts for that year amounting to more than $ 1 ,000,000.*" 



The great effort by Bishop Moore and others who worked on the campaign 
meant that by 1924 (after Charles Selecman was President), the University's 
debt was paid, the endowment was reimbursed for money used for operating 
expenses, and the endowment was also increased to more than $1,500,0007 
The General Board of Education forwarded a check for $247,013.37 in one 
sum, and $86,219.00 later.^ 

During Boaz's two years as President, he had not really become concerned 
with the academic life of the University but left this to the deans, A. S. Pegues 
of the College of Arts and Paul B. Kern of Theology.^ Boaz's attempt to in- 
fluence the University was through emphasizing religion on the campus. For 
example, he reported to the Board of Trustees on 13 June 1921 (the end of his 
first year as President), that "adjustment week" (previously called a "revival") 
had resulted in 300 reclamations, 100 professions of faith, and 94 who signed 
"life service cards." '° 

When Boaz was elected bishop, no immediate successor was in sight. As a 
consequence, James Kilgore of the Theology faculty was asked to be acting 
President. The Board requested that Bishop John M. Moore act as "Counselor 
to the Administration."" Five months later Charles C. Selecman was made 
President and assumed office on 2 April 1923.'^ 

Dean Paul B. Kern 

More important for the School of Theology was the selection of one of the 
original faculty, Paul B. Kern, first as acting Dean in March 1920,'^ and later 
as Dean, beginning in 1920, a position he held for six years. For the first time 
in its history, the School of Theology had stability in its leadership. Its faculty 
expanded during the next few years, and its breadth of curriculum was limited 
only by budget considerations. Dean Kern was squarely in the Methodist 
tradition, and he set forth the purposes of the School of Theology in three-fold 
terms: to keep the ideal of Christian manhood in the fore with all student 
contacts, to "train the mind," and to develop skilled workmanship. "We set as 
our goal," he added, "the equipping of a man spiritually, intellectually, 
technically for the workof a preacher of the gospel in the Methodist itinerancy."'"* 

Faculty Additions 

The two most auspicious appointments to the faculty early in Kern' s term were 
Harvie Branscomb and John A. Rice.'^ Both, as we shall later see, became 
involved in controversies, and both were distinct losses to the University when 
they resigned. 

Branscomb had first come to the University as head of the Department of 
Philosophy and assistant in the Department of Education.'^ After Frank Seay' s 


death, Branscomb was asked to teach New Testament in the School of 
Theology. He had studied New Testament at Oxford University as a Rhodes 
Scholar,'^ and in latter years became known as a respectable New Testament 
scholar, in spite of his considerable administrative responsibilities. 

John A. Rice had been in pastoral ministry and had been a respected member 
of that order. He was an early member of the Board of Trustees of SMU. While 
he was pastor at St. John's Methodist Episcopal Church, South, in St. Louis,'* 
he wrote The Old Testament in the Life of Today, published by Macmillan in 
1920. Soon after he began teaching at SMU, the book became controversial. 
The upshot of the matter was that he resigned his appointment in the School of 
Theology, and through the good graces of Bishop Edwin Mouzon was given a 
pastorate in Oklahoma, and later the Boston Avenue Church in Tulsa where he 
was pastor during the building of what became the first breakthrough in church 
architecture in the South. '"^ 

Other faculty members during the early 1920s were Dr. J. F. Pierce, who 
completed Dobbs' s year as teacher of Christian Doctrine; Walter B . Nance who 
taught Missions in the fall of 1920,'" and Mims T. Workman, the subject of 
another controversy to be considered later. Although Workman's primary 
responsibility was in the undergraduate college, he both studied and did some 
teaching of Hebrew and Greek at the School of Theology.-' Robert W. Goodloe 
also taught on a visiting basis during 1 920-2 1 but left at the end of the year to 
pursue Ph.D. work at the University of Chicago." 

J. L. Cuninggim resigned in October 1 92 1 as Professor of Religious Education 
to become President of Scarritt Bible and Training School in Kansas City; he 
became President of Scarritt College in 1924, when the school was renamed 
and moved to Nashville, Tennessee. James Seehom Seneker was nominated to 
succeed him at SMU and became part of the permanent faculty a year later." 
J. Marvin Ormond, pastor of the First Methodist Episcopal Church, South, of 
Elizabeth City, North Carolina, came to the teaching position in Pastoral 
Administration.-"* W. D. Bradfield offered courses in Christian Doctrine in 
1921 -22'^ and became a permanent member of the faculty the following year.^^ 

E. W. Alderson apparently completed Rice's work following his resigna- 
tion,^^ and John H. Hicks became the permanent holder of the Old Testament 
teaching position in 1922,-* remaining until his retirement in 1955. Thomas H. 
Hudson, Dean of Theology at Kwansei Gakuin, Kobe, Japan, was visiting 
professor of Missions in 192 1 .-"^ Claude Eagleton, from SMU's history depart- 
ment, filled in in Church History for a time.^° Additional missionaries brought 
to the campus for one quarter each included John W. Cline, from China; James 
W. Hitch, Korea; and Ben O. Hill, Cuba." 

By the beginning of 1922, a "core faculty" began to develop. Four members 


of that group were James Kilgore, a member of the first faculty; James Seehom 
Seneker, Robert W. Goodloe, and John H. Hicks, the last three remaining until 
their retirement in the 1950s.^" Other faculty were Paul B. Kern, Comer 
Woodward, Harvie Branscomb, J. M. Ormond, D. L. Mumpower (medical 
missionary from Africa), S. A. Stewart (from Hiroshima, Japan)," and J. C. C. 
Newton, Dean of Kwansei Gakuin College (also in Japan). -^'^ 

Three new faculty members were added in 1924: J. Richard Spann in City 
Church, Ora Miner in Town and Country Church, and Henry G. Bamett in 
Missions.^^ Woodward, who had come in 1918, left to take a job with the 
Georgia State Department of Public Welfare.^^ Spann and Miner, together with 
Bamett temporarily, formed an expanded Missions department in cooperation 
with the Board of Missions. 

Other part-time or temporary faculty included during the period were Paul 
W. Quillian, also a student;" R. E. Dickenson, whose primary work was as 
chaplain and teacher of Religion in the undergraduate school;^^ George M. 
Gibson, W. A. Smart, John C. Calhoun, George F. Thomas,^*^ and Edmund F. 
Cook."*" Prior to 1922, undergraduate Bible courses had been listed under 
"General Literature." In 1922 a separate department of English Bible was 
established with Mims T. Workman as Professor of Bible.'*' 

Persons in the administration of the School of Theology during this early 
period included Lillian Jennings who, it would appear, served not only as 
registrar but also as Dean Kern' s administrative assistant. She came to the staff 
in 1 92 1 and became secretary of the faculty along with her other responsibilities.''^ 
She was also in charge of the newly opened Marvin and Pierce Halls.'*'* There 
is very little in the sources about her personally, but one gets the impression that 
she could have operated, and to some extent did run, the School without the 
Dean' s assistance. She died prematurely of typhoid fever on 1 July 1 925 .'^ She 
was succeeded by Miss Nell Anders who had been at the school earher; Miss 
Anders remained as Registrar for more than thirty years. 

Others in administration included Annie Mae Galbreath, the Dean's secre- 
tary; Louise Gillon, secretary of the Correspondence School, and Mrs. A. H. 
Anglin, secretary to the faculty."*^ Mrs. Kate Wamick became theology librar- 
ian upon the move of the library to the newly built Kirby Hall in 1924."*^ 

One new full-time faculty member was added during Kern's last year as 
Dean, namely, C. M. Bishop to fill the place vacated by Harvie Branscomb' s 
resignation."*^ According to an issue of the Semi-Weekly Campus of a later date, 
C. M. Bishop was the nephew of Horace Bishop, the first chair of SMU' s Board 
of Trustees."*^ Additional short-term faculty consisted of James T. Meyer and 
Alfred W. Wasson,'*^ the latter becoming a full-time faculty member at a later 
date. Of the total faculty of eleven full-time and two part-time faculty in 1925- 


26, six remained until their retirements. When Kern left as Dean in 1 926, James 
Kilgore was the only member of the 1915 faculty remaining. Kilgore served as 
acting Dean for the following seven years (1926-33). 

A New Home for the School of Theology 

For its first eight years the School of Theology shared facilities with the 
remainder of the University in Dallas Hall. In the fall of 1924, it moved into its 
own building, Kirby Hall, now Florence Hall in the School of Law quadrangle. 
Still not finished when the move was made, Kirby Hall was the gift of Mr. and 
Mrs. Harper Kirby of Austin, members of First Methodist Episcopal Church, 
South, of that city, and "militant Methodists" according to W. D. Bradfield, 
whose friendship with the Kirbys resulted in the gift.^" They had previously 
provided a loan fund^' and had also built a dormitory for women near the 
University of Texas campus. The gift of $100,000, not sufficient to cover the 
total cost of the building, was announced on 31 May 1923,^- and plans were 
approved the same year.^' Bids were let in January 1924.^"* 

Kern envisioned this building as one of three or four in a quadrangle at the 
northwest comer of the campus.^^ The cornerstone of Kirby Hall was laid 
during the Fondren Lectures the last week of March 1 924,^^ and the first classes 
were held on the only complete floor, the third, on 24 September 1924." The 
dream of having its own facilities had come true, and one sad by-product was 
that the School of Theology no longer was, by geography, an integral part of 
the life of the University. This condition has continued through the years with 
periodic attempts to bridge the gap. 

A further step in this particularizing of the School of Theology was proposed 
in a plan to strengthen the School of Theology Committee of the Board of 
Trustees. The organization of the administration was a Board of Trustees 
representing largely the Annual Conferences and responsible to their Annual 
Conferences and ultimately to the General Conference of the Methodist 
Episcopal Church, South. The group that provided the daily operation of the 
University was the Executive Committee which met monthly and was domi- 
nated by lay people in Dallas. Dean Kern, supported by Bishop Mouzon and 
Bishop Moore, believed that the School of Theology needed a stronger 
committee than existed. Such a committee was to be, though they did not use 
the term, a kind of "Executive Committee of the School of Theology. ""^^ 
Although their plan was not carried out fully, there was a gradual strengthening 
of this committee over the years, but it met only in conjunction with the Board 
of Trustees. 

In spite of the separation from the remainder of the University, the new 
building provided a great boon to the School of Theology. The other buildings 


were never built, though as we shall later see it was only the vision of Bishop 

John M. Moore that moved the Theology quadrangle to the southern part of the 

campus in the late 1940s. The words of the Kirbys with regard to their gift is 

a fitting way to conclude this section: 

Having profound faith in the Divinity of Jesus Christ, knowing God's 

guidance, and His Boundless love for mankind, and His great desire that 

all men shall be saved, and believing firmly in Christian education, we will 

give one hundred thousand dollars to the Southern Methodist University 

at Dallas, Texas, for a theological building. 


Mr. and Mrs. R. Harper Kirby^^ 


If curricular change indicates the vitality of a school, then the deanship of Paul 
Kern was a vital period. In 1924 the University changed from the quarter to the 
semester system, and the School of Theology faculty saw this as a good time 
for curriculum revision. Five areas of specialization were established: General 
Pastorate, Town and Country Church, Social Service and City Work, Foreign 
Missions, and Religious Education. All the areas had the basic requirement of 
six semester hours in Old Testament, New Testament, Church History, Christian 
Doctrine, Philosophy of Religion, Religious Education, Ministerial Efficiency 
(including Homiletics), Missions, and Sociology, with three in Public Speaking 
for a total of fifty-seven semester hours. A biblical language was no longer 
required. The remainder of the students' work was elective, with a major 
subject, requiring a total of ninety credit hours.*°Both an oral examination before 
the entire faculty with the Dean presiding and a thesis were also mandatory.^' 

Two years later the School of Theology requested permission to return to the 
quarter plan,^^ and to label courses as "majors" and "minors." A major was one- 
third of a quarter' s work, ten per year, and a minor was one-half of a major. No 
longer were requirements uniform in the various areas. Four majors were 
required in New Testament, three in Old Testament, and one each in Christian 
Doctrine, Philosophy of Rehgion, Christian Doctrine or Philosophy of Reli- 
gion, Church History, Homiletics, Ministerial Efficiency, Religious Educa- 
tion, and Sociology, with two minors in Church Music and four minors in 
Public Speaking. Both the oral examination and the thesis were retained.^^ 
Those majoring in one of the Testaments were required to have a reading 
knowledge of the appropriate language, and six majors were required in the 
major field.^ 

A new degree was begun in 1925, the M.C.A. (Master of Church Adminis- 


tration) under the direction of J. Richard Spann.^^ 

Extension Work 

As we saw in Chapter 2, the School of Theology saw its work from the 
beginning as including persons who were not registered in a degree program. 
Called "extension work," much of this work would now be considered 
"continuing education." There were several major forms of such work. 

The Preachers' Summer Assembly and Western Training School for Sunday 
School had begun in 1919,^*' as we saw in the previous chapter, and the 
combined school continued for several years. This led to the formation in 1 924 
of the "Extension School," co-sponsored by the School of Theology, the Board 
of Education, the Board of Missions, and the Sunday School Board of the M. 
E. Church, South. The work could be done either in the extension school or by 
correspondence, and the first school was held in 1925.^^ J. Richard Spann was 
in charge of the Pastors' School^* and Louise Gillon was in charge of the 
Correspondence Division. According to a report she made in January 1925, 
more than 400 students were enrolled for correspondence work, from as far 
away as Washington, Oregon, California, and Montana.^^ Sixty-nine enrolled 
in the Extension School for Pastors beginning 1 January 1925.™ Undergraduate 
courses were conducted for those seeking to fulfill ordination requirements, 
and advanced studies for those already in the conference.^' 

The Library 

For the first ten years of the University ' s life, there was only one library, housed 
in Dallas Hall. Space was limited however, and even if funds had been 
available, there would have been no place to house a larger number of books. 

The core of the theology library was formed by the Shettles Collection and 
a Methodist Historical Collection. ''' The Whited Fund was given quite early and 
had reached the sum of $10,000 by February 192 1 J^ The John A. Rice Fund for 
books in Old Testament was established in 1 92 1 , with the first gift coming from 
Trinity Church, Sumter, South Carolina, where Rice had been pastor before 
coming to SMU. It had reached a total of $4,500 in February 1921.^"^ 

Questions were raised concerning whether the theological library should be 
moved to the new building, Kirby Hall, or remain a part of the main library. At 
first only reserved books and periodicals were sent to the new location, but 
during the Christmas vacation of 1925 the entire theological library was moved 
to Kirby Hall.^^ Dean Kern asked that Mrs. John Wamick become the theology 
librarian,^'' a post which she accepted and occupied until 1950. After 1950, she 
served as Reference Librarian and later as curator of the Methodist Historical 
Library until her final retirement in 1 979. 


Student Housing 

When SMU opened, it had a permanent building for housing women, the North 
Texas Building, later Atkins Hall and now Clements Hall. Three hastily built 
dormitories housed male students: Rankin, North, and South Halls. No housing 
was available for married students on campus, and very little in the immediate 
vicinity. Highland Park was a city of private homes, and University Park was 
not incorporated until 1924. Because forty percent of the theology students in 
1923 were married,'''' housing was a critical need. 

The first step in solving the problem was the purchase of a building just north 
of the campus at the comer of Airline and Rosedale, where a University Park 
water tower is now located. The Executive Committee authorized the purchase 
on 2 September 1920.^* There is no record of why the building was there, but 
it required repairs when it was purchased and had so deteriorated by 1935 that 
it was no longer habitable and was sold to University Park.^^ 

In July 1922 the Executive Committee authorized the building of two 
additional apartment houses.^*^ They were wooden, two-story buildings located 
just to the east of the main campus. They were occupied in the fall of 1922.*' 
Their official names were Marvin and Pierce Halls, but were popularly known 
as the Bee Hive. Many theological students lived there over almost thirty years 
before they too were demolished. 

A third change in student housing, this time for singles, occurred when the 
three men's dormitories burned on 11 February 1926. A group of theology 
students who lived in Rankin, the middle building, helped to save possessions 
of students who lived in the first to bum, and then when Rankin caught fire were 
unable to save their own.*^ Before the incident was over, all three buildings had 
been destroyed along with University Park's new fire tmck, which became 
mired in the mud and could not be freed.*^ A committee was appointed to help 
relocate the students, and money was received from a wide variety of sources 
to help those who had lost their possessions.*'* 

Fortunately, plans were already under way for the building of two women's 
dormitories, Snyder and Virginia Halls. This made it possible for the women 
to move out of North Texas Hall when the dormitories were completed less than 
a year later, and for the men to occupy what later came to be called Atkins Hall, 
after Bishop Atkins, the chair of the Educational Commission which authorized 
the founding of SMU.*^ Male students, including theology students, lived in 
Atkins Hall until the new theology quadrangle was built twenty-five years later. 

"The Search for Greatness" 

Earlier, we noted that from its beginning SMU seems to have been pre- 
occupied with a "search for greatness." One small search for greatness 

A NEW DEAN, A NEW BUILDING! 1 920-26 35 

appeared in the form of the new M.C.A. degree, for non-ordained church 
professionals. Like many such efforts, the degree did not draw a great many 
students, but Kern seemed proud of this attempt to increase the School of 
Theology's offerings.**'' 

Earlier than the beginning of this degree a much grander plan was consid- 
ered — but never carried out. In 1 922, the Executive Committee of the Univer- 
sity accepted a proposal to establish a "School of Christian Service" which 
would include the School of Theology but involve other sorts of work also. It 
was to be a joint effort with the School of Theology and the Boards of Missions 
and Education of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, the Sunday School, 
the Epworth League, and the Woman's Missionary Council. The faculty was 
to be an integral part of the University.^^ Another facet of this plan was the 
establishing of a School of Missions at Southern Methodist and Emory 
Universities.^^ A few months later, the possibility of including Scarritt as part 
of the plan was revived.**'' The negotiations over Scarritt continued for some 
time but never materialized.''*' Nor did the special school become a reality, 
though the Board of Missions and the Women's Missionary Council did grant 
almost $10,000 yearly to the School of Theology for work in Missions. 
Unfortunately, it appears that they did not always provide the full amount and 
so their plan also did not persist. 

What would have happened to SMU's School of Theology had either the 
joint enterprise with the Boards or the moving of Scarritt to SMU come about? 
The least one can say is that had either plan materialized, subsequent history 
would have been considerably different. 


The most difficult area of history of the School of Theology to secure 
information about is that of student life. There are occasional references to 
student activities — an annual picnic*" for example. An undated document in the 
school's archives reports on the 1925 picnic and gives plans for the 1926 
festivities. According to the report, 143 students attended in 1925 and thirty 
faculty, staff, and visitors. The Semi-Weekly Campus reported that about 150 
attended, that Joe Connally won the men's beauty context and that Miss Nell 
Anders was winner of the "Prim and Precise Contest.'"'^ 

Intramural sports were at first for fraternities only'''' but were later expanded 
to include other groups, including the School of Theology.''^ A myriad of or- 
ganizations existed on the SMU campus, and theology students regularly 
participated in them.''^ Although Paul Martin was not a theological student at 
the time, his description of his own participation in the student life of the 
University is illuminating. He writes: 


The small town boy entered heartily the activities. I was a cheer leader, a 
debater, the editor of the 1 9 1 8 Annual The Rotunda. I sang in the Glee Club 
and played Shakespeare in the Arden Club on the steps of Dallas hall. As 
a sophomore, I sold chapel tickets to the freshmen. I did not participate in 
the tying of the calf to the piano just before chapel one morning, but I 
thoroughly enjoyed the strange sight.^^ 

A Ministerial Association was organized in 1925 with W. A. Bonner, Walter 
Towner and Joe Connally among its officers.''^ There is little information about 
the Theology Students' Association, but we can infer that it was continued after 
its organization during the early part of the University's first year. 

It is difficult — and risky — to select outstanding graduates, but a few stand 
out in terms of their later accomplishments. We have already noted two M.A. 
graduates in the first class who later assumed leadership roles in the Univer- 
sity — Umphrey Lee and Robert W. Goodloe. Paul Martin, later a bishop, 
entered SMU in 1915, prior to his deciding to enter the ordained ministry.^* He 
later felt his calling to the set-apart ministry and returned to SMU in 1922 for 
theological training.^^ His friendship with Mr. and Mrs. J. J. Perkins during his 
pastorate at Wichita Falls, and his continued close association with them after 
he became bishop, played a large part in their making of their magnificent gift 
to the School of Theology many years later. He later served as Bishop-in- 
Residence at Perkins School of Theology after his retirement from the episco- 

William C. Martin, later a bishop, graduated from the School of Theology in 
1921,™ and while he was Bishop of the Dallas-Fort Worth Area from 1948 to 
1964 was a strong supporter of the School of Theology.'"' Kenneth Pope, later 
a bishop, came to SMU as a junior student in 1920, received the B.A. degree 
in 1923 andtheB.D. in 1924.'"- Bishop Pope, like Bishop W. C. Martin, served 
both as Bishop of the Dallas-Fort Worth Area and later as Bishop in Residence 
at the School of Theology. While he was Bishop, at a time when the School of 
Theology was under periodic attack, he invited the District Superintendents of 
the North and Central Texas Conferences for lunch with the faculty, and in the 
course of his presentation noted that he was using Schubert Ogden' s latest book 
for his devotions.'"^ Ogden was the theologian most frequently under attack at 
the time. 

Another bishop from these early days was Eleazar Guerra, bishop in Mexico, 
who received his Bachelor of Divinity degree in 1926.'°^ 

In fact, the School of Theology had rather quickly taken on an international 
flavor. In 1 922 ten such students were in attendance: from Japan, Brazil, Korea, 
Mexico, France, Guatemala, and Russia.'"^ Up through 1923 sixty-nine inter- 
national students had received the B.D. degree and five Americans had gone to 


Other countries as missionaries. The best known perhaps was Earl Moreland, 
who received the B. A. degree in 1 9 1 8 and the M. A. and B .D. in 1 92 1 /^ He soon 
went to Brazil to a college which Bishop John M. Moore had helped to establish 
in Porto Allegre. Later Moreland became its President. For many years the 
students of SMU in Dallas raised money to support what had become known 
as "Little SMU in Brazil." '°' Moreland concluded his college administration as 
President of Randolph-Macon College. Sam Hillbum went to Japan, Jalmar 
Bowden to Brazil, H. H. Washington to Cuba, and R. A. Taylor to Japan. "^* 

The number of B.D. graduates remained small during this period. For 
example, the SMU Alumni Directory lists only seven for 1 926 (though this may 
be an incomplete list).'°'^ Usually the graduate B.D. students were a minority in 
the student body. In these early years SMU's theological studies program was 
not, as it later became, primarily a graduate level program but rather included 
undergraduates, as well as those in special programs. Many of these students 
held pastorates,"" and others held jobs as varied as waiting tables in the 
dormitories and selling shoes.'" 

Dean Paul B. Kern 

All of what we have considered in this chapter occurred under the deanship of 
Paul B. Kern, later a bishop, and much during the presidency of Charles C. 
Selecman, also later a bishop. We shall have more to say about Selecman later, 
but what about Paul Kern? Kern took the deanship after five years of the 
school's existence, with two deans and an acting dean having served during that 
early period. Kern brought stability and maturity to the school. The impression 
one gets from the data is that he was a kind and considerate person who perhaps 
at times did not take as strong a stand as might have been desirable. Many years 
later, one of his colleagues talked of Kern as if he had really been the only Dean 
the School of Theology had had."' 

Kern was essentially a pastor at heart. He returned to the pastorate in 1926, 
going to Travis Park Methodist Church in San Antonio, from which he was 
elected to the episcopacy in 1930. It is difficult to assess his contribution to the 
School of Theology. The least one can say is that he provided a sound 
foundation on which others later would build. 

If he was a pastor at heart, he also believed strongly in the work of the School 
of Theology, as the following story from Kenneth Pope illustrates: 

At one time I went to Dean Paul B. Kern of the School of Theology and 
expressed a desire to quit school in order to get to the firing line at once. 
The Dean said a word or two about the need for an adequate foundation for 
the ministry and then told me of a student who, like myself, wanted to quit 
school and start preaching. His advisor said that if the student would tell 



him where he, the student, would be preaching on Sunday, he, the advisor, 
would go out and preach for him if he would stay in school. The Lord gave 
me sense enough to take Dean Kern's advice.''^ 

Controversy and Conflict 

Southern Methodist University underwent an unprecedented series of crises 
and conflicts in the early 1920s. Although not all of these directly affected the 
School of Theology, two of them did and the others had indirect effects on that 
school. The first to be discussed, though not the first chronologically, was a 
football scandal. Harvie Branscomb, a new member of the Theology faculty, 
was a member of the Athletic Committee, and it is easy to surmise that the 
process of conflict with the administration which eventually led to his resigna- 
tion began because of the stand he took on complete faculty control of athletics. 

The First Football Scandal 

Before H. A. Boaz was elected a bishop in 1922, he decided that it was time for 
SMU to undertake an all-out effort to develop a winning football team. In the 
fall of 192 1 , a superior freshman team was ready to take the field in preparation 
for their becoming part of the varsity the following year. ' But Boaz was elected 
to the episcopacy in 1922, leaving the University without a permanent presi- 
dent during much of the ensuing controversy over football. James S. Kilgore 
of the School of Theology was acting President for almost twelve months, until 
April 1923. 

The 1922 football season was SMU's most successful to that time, with the 
team's winning five games out of nine and tying one, with only three losses." 
New rules had been set up by the Southwest Conference, however, including 
one that "No athlete was to be paid for work that he did not perform."^ In 
December 1922 an investigating committee of the Southwest Conference 
recommended that SMU be suspended from the conference until the faculty 
gained control of athletics, in order to eliminate rule infractions including pay 
for work not performed. The major issue became whether townspeople or the 
faculty should control athletics. This led to a larger issue, the role of faculty and 
members of the Executive Committee (and ultimately the Board of Trustees) 
as the controlling factor in operating the University. 

The issues were not really settled even after Charles Selecman became 
President. Branscomb concluded that the faculty "had gained a measure of 



control but was not receiving full co-operation.'"* This was essentially where 
the matter lay when the Board of Trustees voted to close the affair, with at least 
a visible nod in the direction of faculty control and with the conclusions that 
"any irregularities that did occur were due to the rapid growth of the Univer- 

Background to Theological Controversy 

The football scandal had touched the School of Theology only through Harvie 
Branscomb's participation as a member of the Athletic Committee. Other 
controversies directly affected that school, the first of which occurred in 1921. 
This grew out of the fundamentalist-modernist controversy whose development 
coincided with the founding of SMU. 

The beginning of the fundamentalist movement goes back at least to the early 
twentieth century. Its basics were set forth in ten small volumes in 1 9 1 entitled 
The Fundamentals: A Testimony to the Truth.^ The five fundamentals were: ( 1 ) 
the verbal inspiration of the Bible (and its inerrancy); (2) the virgin birth of 
Jesus Christ; (3) Christ' s substitutionary atonement; (4) his bodily resurrection; 
and (5) his immanent and visible Second Coming.^ Fundamentalism went beyond 
most orthodoxy and seemed to say that one's salvation depended on accepting 
these beliefs. It was a reaction against the growing liberalism of the main-line 
churches and their tendency to emphasize the "fundamentals" of Adolf 
Hamack: (1) the Kingdom of God and its coming; (2) God as Father and the 
infinite worth of the human soul; and (3) the ethical message of the Gospel, 
especially the law of love.^ 

Methodism in both its Northern and Southern branches had been especially 
vulnerable to the inroads of an optimistic, nineteenth century liberalism. This 
approach, of course, included a non-literalistic view of biblical truth. 
Methodism's anti-Calvinistic roots and its emphasis on personal experience 
were simply inconsistent with the rationalistic approach of fundamentalism, 
which provoked a kind of "belief-righteousness" which would have had to 
replace the tendency of Methodism towards a "works-righteousness." In other 
words, fundamentalism tends to emphasize salvation by right beliefs while 
John Wesley's concern for holiness of heart and life had led Methodism to tend 
to assert salvation by good works. A gradual change occurred over a fifty year 
period. I once went through all editions of the Methodist Book of Discipline to 
see what they said about education and nurture. As I reflected on my reading, 
it became clear that the nurture ("liberal") side of education gradually came into 
prominence beginning about 1880 and reached its climax about 1930. Walter 
N. Vernon confirms this, though he does not use the exact period that I have 


This is not to suggest that all Methodists had become "liberals" theologically. 
On the whole the clergy was more liberal than the laity, but some clergy even 
joined the fundamentalist ranks. Perhaps, however, the two major controver- 
sies that rocked SMU would not have occurred had it not been for fundamen- 
talists beyond the bounds of Methodism. 

The situation in Methodism needs to be seen also against the environment in 
which SMU existed. We have already noted that not all of Methodism 
subscribed to the more liberal tone of official Methodism. This was especially 
true in the so-called "Bible Belt."'° Here a conservative view of the Bible 
prevailed. Perhaps even more pertinent is the fact that the SMU of the 1920s 
did not actively encourage a spirit of free inquiry. Essentially SMU was a 
religious school. Revivals were held on campus; chapel was required; at times 
even attending Sunday worship was mandatory. Generally, the church ex- 
pected all of SMU to be Christian-oriented, not just its School of Theology. As 
Kenneth Pope put it, "SMU was not only a Methodist 'owned' University, it 
was a Methodist 'run' University." In this conservative milieu, he adds, 
"Conferences made pronouncements on the affairs of [their] educational 

Even as early as the academic year 1 9 1 7- 1 8, an English instructor, Katherine 
Balderson, raised eyebrows and evoked an "inquisition" before the theological 
faculty. The point in question was a discussion of "biblical criticism" in a novel 
by Winston Churchill, The Inside of the Cup. She was exonerated but soon left 
the University.'^ 

The Rice Affair 

It is not surprising, then, that John A. Rice' s book. The Old Testament in the Life 
of Today, '^ created a stir. The book was published shortly after he came to the 
School of Theology.''* It was not something he produced in an academic "ivory 
tower." "The substance of its chapters," according to a pamphlet produced in 
his defense, "had been delivered upon innumerable platforms in Methodism 
and had been the means of strengthening the faith of many men and women in 
the Bible as the living message of God to modem life."'^ Rice had been a pastor 
all his ministerial life and came directly from a pastorate in Sumter, South 

The book was well received in many circles. S. Parkes Cadman called the 
book "the best book on the Old Testament."'^ Numerous commendations are 
included in the pamphlet supporting Rice.'^ 

What is the book like? The impression one gets from reading it is that Rice 
was a person of great personal faith who had accepted the latest findings of what 
was unfortunately called "higher criticism."'* In the introduction, he wrote: 


[T]he Bible must be judged in the light of its purpose, which is to bring God 
and men into such satisfying relations with each other as that they shall 
work together in blessed fellowship for the creation of a new social order 
characterized by righteousness, peace, and the joy of holy living over all 
the earth. Should errors in history, science, philosophy, or in any other field 
of inquiry be found, they need not disturb us. The infallibility of our 
inspired book depends not upon these, but rather upon the effective 
achieving of the end it sought and still seeks. '^ 

And at the end of the book he wrote: 

This marvellous collection of booklets, more than half poetry, mostly 
anonymous, seeks no defence, shuns no attack, asks only that we test the 
pledge it brings of God's saving and satisfying touch upon the human 
spirit, and venture upon its promise of a world redeemed through Jesus 
Christ our Lord in whom dwelt all the fullness of the Godhead bodily.-" 

In between these statements is a great deal of material dealing with both the 
content and form of the Old Testament. He begins with the earliest poetic 
fragments from 1400 to 1200 B.C.;"' goes through the JEDP origin of the 
Pentateuch;^^ writes an extensive analysis of the prophets from 750 to 500 B.C. 
(and includes Deuteronomy in this discussion);'^ discusses further the priestly 
sources and compilations, including the Psalms;''* provides an overview of the 
"sages and their philosophy" (which for him includes more than what we 
usually call Wisdom Literature);-'' and includes a brief section on apocalyptic 
literature (in which he puts Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi, Isaiah 24-27, Isaiah 
34-35, Joel, and Daniel).'^ The final section deals with text and canon. -^ Not on 
a par with Bewer, Muilenberg, and von Rad, the book nevertheless summarizes 
the best sources of its time and was a viable text for beginning Old Testament 
students. It pulls no punches concerning the critical analysis of sources and 
form, however, and it is easy to see how it would be upsetting to many people 
even today. Perhaps the amazing fact is how widespread at SMU and among 
his other students the support of Rice was. 

The book's critics used the usual methods of quoting out of context, 
misinterpretation, and similar ways of proving their point. For example, he was 
quoted as saying, "The Bible cannot survive as a fixed rule of faith and practice, 
for which it was never intended."'* The sentence occurs in a paragraph where 
he discusses the finished Torah at the time of Ezra and Nehemiah. The Torah, 
he asserts, became severely binding and "was in the strictest sense arule of faith 
and practice." This resulted in the "complicated, lifeless pharisaism prevalent 
in Jesus' time." "The letter killeth," he writes. "It always does." But there are 
some even in Protestantism who subscribe to this attitude toward the Bible, 


those who insist on a Hteral interpretation of the Bible.^^ 

They do not seem to realize that they are seeking to enforce ideas Christ 
came to explode. The Bible cannot survive as a fixed rule of faith and 
practice for which it was never intended. It is rather the world's greatest 
book of religious experience on whose pages, inspired because inspiring, 
we meet God face to face and find rest unto our souls. ^" 

He was accused of calling the prophets "roving dervishes."^' He does use this 
term, but for the early "prophets," or the pre-prophetic movement. I Samuel 
10:12 is cited as seeming to describe the prophets of that time as "peripatetic 
clairvoyants, teachers, preachers, entertainers, religious enthusiasts, dervishes 
roving about, often in groups, from the centers where they lived together."^" In 
another place he spoke of Saul as raving "among the prophets who were little 
more than roving dervishes."'*'' Of course. Rice is referring to the pre-prophetic 
movement which existed centuries before those great ones of the Old Testa- 
ment — Amos, Hosea, Micah, Isaiah, Jeremiah, and others. 

The pamphlet defending Rice continues with other examples of misinterpre- 
tation and other ways of provoking a negative impression of the book.^"* 

Who were the critics? There were Methodists who wrote to the Texas 
Christian Advocate, ^^ but the most vocal critic was a person whom the pamphlet 
identifies only as "a Baptist preacher."^^ From other sources, we know that the 
Baptist preacher was J. Frank Norris, an early fundamentalist, pastor of First 
Baptist, Fort Worth. Norris actually withdrew his congregation from the 
Southern Baptist Convention, was involved in a much publicized murder case, 
and purposively sought out "liberals" and attempted to destroy them. Norris 
called Rice agnostic, atheist, and infidel, and concluded that the devil had 
decided that Bob Ingersoll was not effective as an attacker of Christianity from 
outside and instead had secured Rice as an inside emissary.^^ 

Many people also came to Rice's defense. A group of students wrote a 
defense in which they said that "Dr. Rice has made the Bible a living book to 
us and that our ideas of its divine inspiration and value have been greatly 

A faculty statement signed by Branscomb and concurred in by Dean Kern 
and Professors Woodward, Kilgore, Seneker, and Workman contains these 

That we do not accept the judgment of Dr. Rice revealed in the articles of 
his critics in recent issues of the Texas Christian Advocate, and that we 
insist that in view of Dr. Rice's statement of faith and conformity with 
Methodist beliefs it is not proper for us to pass judgment upon his 
orthodoxy as a Methodist preacher and teacher. We insist that the admin- 


istration shall say very frankly to our constituency that the University is 
conducting a theological seminary upon the recognized principles of the 
modem historical method of biblical interpretation, always in conformity 
with Methodist and Christian fundamentals.^^ 

The minutes of the Executive Committee of the Board of Trustees contain a 
long statement on 4 October 1921 , including these words: "It is to be feared that 
some of Dr. Rice's over- zealous critics reveal a lack of robustness in their own 
faith when they seek to suppress freedom of thought and speech in matters 
pertaining to the Bible. '"'^ 

The faculty of the School of Theology in the document quoted above 
recommended that the matter be held in abeyance until the meeting of the Board 
of Trustees in June 1922."*' The Executive Committee, however, in spite of their 
words ofcommendation, accepted Rice's resignation on 11 October 1921. Rice 
did not back down on his conclusions in the book but reported that he was 
resigning for the good of the institution."*^ Six weeks later the Executive Com- 
mittee asked S. B. Perkins and A. D. Schuessler to work out a financial 
adjustment for Rice,"' and in December they authorized that he be paid the 
amount due him on the full year of his salary, and that he be compensated for 
the $8,000.27 he had spent in building his house, less $100 per month rent 
during the time he occupied it."" As we saw in Chapter 3, Bishop Mouzon, a 
supporter of Rice, provided an appointment for him in Oklahoma, later 
assigning him to Boston Avenue Church where he was pastor when the church 
selected its present unique architectural style. 

Why did the administration of the University and the Executive Committee 
give in when neither appears to have favored Rice's leaving? There is no clear 
answer to this question. Thomas's answer is really no answer at all, that they 
simply surrendered to a vocal fundamentalist element in Texas Methodism. 
Perhaps the ability of J. Frank Norris to get publicity for the causes he espoused 
also contributed to this result. But the question remains, why did they do this? 
Perhaps it was to avoid further controversy, to offer, as it were, a sacrificial 
lamb to the opposition. Bishop O. Eugene Slater has told me that, as he prepared 
to enter the School of Theology as a student, one person let him know that it was 
all right for him to go since they had got rid of the troublemaker. Rice. It was 
many years later, during the administration of President Willis Tate, that the 
battle for academic freedom was fought and won. For the time being, in the 
1920s, the faculty desired such freedom but it simply did not exist. 

Mims T. Workman 

The lack of protection for faculty members is illustrated once again in the case 
of Mims Thomburgh Workman a few years later. Workman's work was 


primarily in the undergraduate school though he had a continuing relationship 
to the School of Theology. Since Thomas has given full account of the 
Workman case, the presentation here will be less detailed than for the Rice 

The Workman case began in May 1 923 when the World Christian Funda- 
mental Conference met in Fort Worth and "tried" SMU and other Methodist 
schools "for the dissemination of rationalistic instruction, of evolutionary 
thought, of higher criticism, of teaching alleged to be inimical to the Bible as 
a book of Divine inspiration.'"*^ Workman, who came to SMU in 1920, was the 
principal target of criticism at SMU. One of his students, Margaret Pelley, 
testified that what she had been taught at SMU weakened her faith.'*^ 

Other students countered the charges. One was Charles Ferguson, then editor 
of the Campus and later one of the senior editors of Reader's Digest and the 
author of a number of substantial books. Another, Mary Vaughn Morgan, said: 
"While at SMU I have learned to exalt Him [Jesus Christ] as never before. I 
have come to trust Him more surely as my personal Savior and to more fully 
dedicate my life to the spread of His Gospel.'"*^ 

The Board of Trustees asked Bishop John M. Moore and the newly elected 
President Charles C. Selecman to look into the matter, and no action was taken 
against Workman at this time. The action changed two years later, in 1925, 
when Selecman requested Dean Jennings of Arts and Science to encourage 
Workman either to take a leave of absence or resign."*^ 

Students again rallied to Workman's defense. One said: "If those of us who 
disagree with his [Workman's] teachings would live as close to the Master as 
he does, and could shed as much of Christ's love as he does, perhaps we could 
come to know that it really means to live what we believe."^" Another com- 
mented: "I have seen as much of the spirit of Christ in the life of my teacher 
[Workman] as I have seen in any man."^' The student body presented a petition 
to the Board of Trustees asking that he be allowed to remain at the University," 
and a Campus editorial supported him.^"* 

None of this support deterred the Board of Trustees, however, and so when 
the Board met on 1 June 1925, his resignation was asked for and accepted.^"* 
Thomas concludes, rightly, I think, that his "career never quite recovered from 
these events."^^ Good and faithful Bishop Mouzon secured a teaching post for 
him, and he later taught at Vanderbilt. After a few years he changed to the 
pastorate but never quite seemed to make it there.^^ 

Again we may ask, why did President Selecman not support Workman? Just 
two years earlier he had declared fundamentalists as "religious misfits." He had 
also declared that "hide-bound liberalism had no place in true Methodist 
doctrine."" Thomas, who is not always kind to Selecman in her history of 


SMU, concludes that he feared what controversy might do to the raising of 
money (probably a legitimate concern but a dangerous one), and that his love 
of "inner harmony" in the University was well known.^^ Whatever the cause — 
legitimate or not — academic freedom suffered another setback on the SMU 

Harvie Branscomb and the Administration 

The occasion which prompted Harvie Branscomb' s forced resignation was 
criticism that he made in the press of the University's administration concern- 
ing the Workman case.^^ As Branscomb later liked to tell it, he was "fired before 
breakfast in his pajamas" after Selecman had read the story in the morning 
paper. President Selecman' s exact words, as Branscomb reported them to 
Thomas in 1971, were: "I have just read your gratuitous letter in the morning 
News and want to say to you that the sooner you leave this campus the better."^" 
The conflict between Branscomb and the administration actually began 
before Selecman became President. As we have seen, Branscomb was a 
member of the Athletic Committee when the football scandal occurred. The 
committee criticized the administration for its favoritism toward athletics. A 
conflict between the committee and R. H. Shuttles, later chair of the Board, led 
to Shuttle's resignation from the Board, a resignation that was not accepted.^' 
This conflict with Shuttles, strangely enough, foreshadowed a conflict with 
President Selecman some years later and was based on Shuttles's belief that 
businessmen ought to run the university. 

The athletic problem occurred in 1 922-23. Shortly after, Branscomb went on 
leave to work on his doctorate at Union Theological Seminary and Columbia 
University. The Rice affair was still fresh in his mind, and the football scandal 
had apparently raised questions for Branscomb about the security of faculty at 
the new University. 

In late 1 923 (or perhaps 1 924) Branscomb wrote a letter" to Dean Kern which 

Kern interpreted as questioning his integrity in supporting faculty members 

who received outside criticism.^-^ The tenor of Branscomb' s response is that 

what he was questioning in the letter was not Kern's personal desires in such 

matters but what Kern could in fact do. Branscomb had felt the pressure of the 

Shuttles affair (in the conflict between "town and gown"), and expressed his 

feelings in these words: 

What I tried to ask in my letter was not about your personal motives nor 

intentions but rather what pohcy you could maintain. Of course I know the 

difficulties under which you labor. That is the simple reason why I asked 

my question and what I meant by it. What we would like to do we cannot, 

because of the responsibilities and accountabilities of office, always 


accomplish. Thus in the Rice case referred to above you will remember that 
tho we felt that the charges were unfair and we unconditionally stood for 
Dr. Rice, at the same time it was felt that all we could ask for was a trial 
before the complete board. That is why I asked for the "dean's administra- 
tive policy." Much has happened since the memorable Rice fight. Among 
other things the tables have turned some what and I feel the chairman of 
the board of Trustees and member of the administrative committee my 
avowed and implacable opponent. I therefore merely tried to ask what the 
dean had come to feel that he could stand for in such a case.*^ 

Kern' s response is enlightening but not altogether clear since I have not been 
able to ascertain to what committee Judge Cockrell had been appointed, nor is 
it clear concerning the situation of which he is speaking. The intent of the letter 
is the purpose for quoting part of it here: 

I sincerely regret that the incident regarding Judge Cockrell 's opponent on 
the committee occurred as it did. I can now, only with difficulty, place 
myself back in the mental attitude of those distressing days when it looked 
as if our faculty would split into a sullen majority against an illogical 
minority. I was deeply distressed. I have laid all of my plans before the 
faculty in great detail and I now have no recollection whatever of 
purposely withholding from my colleagues the matter of the Judge's 
coming on the committee. In fact, I think now that most of them understood 
it and understood the reasons prompting it; and if the matter was not 
discussed with you, it is chargeable to the distraught condition of my mind 
and not to any deliberate purpose to conceal. I am really surprised to learn 
that the matter went through to its consummation without every member 
of the faculty knowing what was being done; and I shall always regret that 
you feel that I withheld this information, however guileless may be the 
purpose which you are willing to attribute to me for withholding it. 

Perhaps, after all, you ought not pin too much dependence upon me or 
any other single individual, but come down and join hands with us and 
work together in faith and good spirit to make a better world around us and 
a better ministry for the church. Certainly we desire the same great ends; 
and the matter of the individual who leads may be both temporary and after 
all only a part of the great effort to bring in a new day.^-^ 

Branscomb did return to the campus for the fall semester of 1924, and six 
months later was offered a position teaching at Duke University.^ Kern im- 
mediately responded to Branscomb and offered a raise in salary if he would 
accept a new position for which Kern had already received approval. Dean of 
Students.^^ Branscomb did not accept the position at Duke nor is there any 


record that he became Dean of Students at the School of Theology. A letter to 
Kern from Branscomb dated 18 January 1926, after Branscomb had gone to 
Duke, reveals that Branscomb' s orthodoxy was being investigated.^* The letter 
is in Branscomb' s handwriting. 

Has the discussion of "is" or "contains" in the findings report died down? 
If it hasn't I wish to call to the attention of all who are interested the 
following fact: my wording is that of John Wesley and the Articles of 
Religion. If you will look at article five of the latter you will find that the 
phrase there is that the "Holy Scripture contains . . ."^^ Now I do not aspire 
to be more orthodox than the Articles of Religion. I don't think that greater 
orthodoxy should be insisted upon in ephemeral documents such as our 
findings. Please pass this on to my friends, if the occasion arises.™ 

Apparently this investigation of Branscomb' s orthodoxy was under way 
prior to his accepting a position at Duke. Thus, the event which led to his leaving 
SMU must be seen as only a part of a series stemming back to his reaction to 
the football scandal. That catalytic event was Branscomb' s criticism of the 
interpretation of a faculty vote of confidence in the administration, in a letter 
which he wrote to the Dallas Morning News and which was published on 30 
May 1925. In part, Branscomb said: 

If the faculty members of good training, acknowledged orthodoxy and 
wholesome influence are to be discharged because of the no doubt sincere 
objections of those outside the University who misunderstand them, I see 
little hope of building here in SMU the spirit necessary to a great 

If Thomas is correct that President Selecman cherished "inner harmony" 
above all else,^^ it is easy to see how Branscomb would be a problem to him. 
In any case, Branscomb resigned and went to Duke to continue a distinguished 
career as New Testament scholar and administrator. 

Outside Investigation 

As early as 1922, the Texas Conference was so tired of hearing about heresy 
in Methodist institutions that they appointed a committee to try to put such 
rumors to rest.''^ A year later the North Texas Conference also appointed such 
a committee,^'' and SMU, Texas Wesleyan College (formerly Polytechnic), and 
Southwestern were exonerated from charges of heresy.''^ In 1925 the West 
Texas Conference appointed a similar committee. ''^ There is no record that any 
formal charges were ever brought against SMU's School of Theology or any 
other Texas Methodist educational institution. 
A special committee on orthodoxy in educational institutions was appointed 


by the General Conference of the M. E. Church. South. Arthur J. Moore (later 
a bishop) wrote to the School of Theology saying: "Permit me to thank you for 
the statement regarding doctrinal standards signed by yourself and other 
members of the theological faculty."'^ 

Perhaps it was partly to offset criticism that Dean Kern reported near the end 
of his tenure as dean on the "fruits" that graduates of the School of Theology 
had produced.^^ The statistics are rather startling and one can only wonder if 
some degree of "ministerial estimation" is not involved. According to Kern's 
report, the graduates had received 2,595 new members by letter and 1 ,642 by 
profession of faith, or an average of 75 additions per person. Thirty of the fifty- 
six respondents had raised conference claimants (the general funds assigned to 
local churches) in full. Every former student answered "No" to the question, 
"Has any charge of irregularity in doctrine been made against you . . . ?"^^ 

Although the modernist-fundamentalist controversy abated after the 1920s, 
in one form or another it has always been present, and still is. The underlying 
question remains: "What degree, if any, of control should the General Confer- 
ence exercise over its Methodist theological schools concerning what is being 
taught?" The most common answer in practice has been, "None." Other 
denominations have taken a different stance on the question. The discussion 
(when it has taken place) is a part of the larger question regarding the 
relationship of systematic religion and liberal learning, between Jerusalem and 

Perhaps the question can never be settled. That it should be a question for 
open dialogue (which it usually has not) seems clear. SMU and its School of 
Theology have had their share of problems stemming from the unanswered 
question. Its resolution, if such there is, remains for the future. 

The Kilgore Years: 

The seven years of James Kilgore' s deanship are relatively uneventful. The 
circumstances under which he carried out his responsibilities were not condu- 
cive to an aggressive administration. He apparently did not know from year to 
year how long he would be continued as Dean. Mrs. Kilgore was ill during the 
first years of his term of office, and died on 7 April 1930 after a long illness.' 
During the final years of his deanship, he was facing retirement which occurred 
in 1934, one year after he had ceased to be Dean.' And, of course, there was the 
Great Depression which became more acute for Texas during the early 1930s. 
The depression brought increasing problems to the University,^ and although 
the School of Theology seems to have fared better than the remainder of the 
University, it felt the effects of the malaise which struck America as a result of 
extremely difficult financial times. 

James Kilgore was bom in the small town of Clinton, Texas, southeast of San 
Antonio, in 1865. His father originally lived in Maryland and later moved to 
Ohio." The younger Kilgore became a Methodist minister in the Texas 
Conference and was serving as Presiding Elder (District Superintendent) of the 
Houston District when he was asked to serve on the first faculty of the School 
of Theology in 1 9 1 5 . His relationship to SMU, however, had begun earlier. He 
was a member of the Educational Commission which established the Univer- 
sity, and was a trustee from 1912 to 1935. (Faculty and administrators were 
permitted to serve as regular members of the Board in those days.) 

Herbert Gambrell describes Kilgore as of average height, round-shouldered, 
and inclined to paunchiness. But he had a firm chin, and his dark hair never 
turned gray. He was not especially gregarious, but could tell a good story to his 
friends."* When he was asked to be acting President after H. A. Boaz's stormy 
two years, he requested otherwise, but he was appointed nonetheless.^ Gambrell 
urged him to write his recollections of the early SMU. His response was "Oh, 
no. I know too much."^ 

He brought to both the University and the School of Theology stability, not 
assertiveness. He was willing to step in and keep the University or the School 
of Theology operating effectively even when he did not know how long his 



term would be. He was one of those stable people who help to keep the world, 
or some part of it, on course, through faithful and stable leadership. 

Why was Kilgore never made Dean? There is no evidence that a search was 
going on all these years for a permanent Dean. It is possible that Selecman had 
Eugene B. Hawk in mind all the time but had to wait until Hawk was willing 
to leave the pastorate. Gambrell speculates that a strong permanent Dean might 
have been a threat to Selecman' s election as bishop. He also indicates what I 
think is true, that at least one and perhaps more on the faculty desired to be Dean. 
Whatever the cause, Kilgore provided the kind of leadership which kept the 
school going — and also carried on his responsibilities as a member of the 
faculty . He actually served as Dean longer than any other person had up through 
his deanship. 

President Selecman 

Charles Selecman, who became President of the University in 1923 and 
continued until 1938, was cut from different cloth. Mary Martha Hosford 
Thomas concludes that he dealt with the faculty in high-handed and dictatorial 
ways.* She believes that his "concept of what a university should be was often 
at variance with that of the faculty members who were educated in the liberal 
arts tradition."^ He encouraged the development of the practical courses such 
as business, education, and engineering, and hoped for a winning football team 
as a way of receiving support from the Dallas business community. '° I find some 
of these conclusions difficult to reconcile with the man I knew as a retired 
bishop living in the former President's home on Hillcrest Avenue across from 
the Theology quadrangle. There is no question, however, that he was an 
aggressive President who did not always listen to his faculty. 

His background was on the one hand inadequate to prepare him for the 
University's presidency; he had no undergraduate degree" though he had at- 
tended Central College in Fayette, Missouri. Yet he had studied social work in 
England, and had worked for a year at Kingdom House, a settlement house in 
St. Louis. During the latter part of World War I, he was in France working with 
U. S. troops, and was pastor of First Church, Dallas, when he was elected 
President of SMU. He remained as President until he was elected to the 
episcopacy at the General Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, 
South, meeting in Birmingham, Alabama, in 1938.'"^ 

The growth of the University during Selecman' s administration is signifi- 
cant, almost spectacular. During his first six years, according to a 1929 issue 
of the Semi-Weekly Campus, the value of the buildings increased from $622,000 
to $2,000,000, and endowment from $823,000 to $2,700,000.'^ Not all of this 
was his doing, of course. For example, Kirby Hall, the new theology building. 

THEKiLGORE years: 1926-33 53 

was a result of the friendship between W. D. Bradfield, Professor of Christian 
Doctrine, and Mr. and Mrs. Harper Kirby. By the time of Seiecman's election 
to the episcopacy eleven new buildings, including Kirby Hall, Hyer Hall, 
McFarlin Auditorium, Snider and Virginia Residence Halls, Ownby Stadium, 
and an engineering building had been constructed.'^ The Association of 
American Universities recognized the University in 1 9 1 9, and two new schools 
were begun. Law and Engineering.'^ 

Selecman did not wait until all the money for a building had been pledged 
before beginning construction. As a consequence, the indebtedness in 1931 
was $643,505 with $439,763 owed on buildings.'^ An intensive financial 
campaign in the middle of the Great Depression led to a reduction of the debt 
to $330,594 by the time Selecman resigned to become bishop in 1938.'^ 

In the meantime, Selecman had faced, in 1931, threats to his presidency by 
both faculty and Executive Committee, especially its chair R. H. Shuttles. 
Faculty conflict was intensified in 1927 when Joseph D. Doty was terminated 
because he had allowed a page critical of Selecman to be included in the 1 927 
Rotunda (yearbook).'* The conflict surfaced again in 1931 when Chairman 
Shuttles, supported by almost half the faculty, attempted to force Seiecman's 
resignation. They did not succeed, however; the Board of Trustees gave him a 
vote of confidence; and the Methodist church at large also supported him.'^ 
During this period, conflict between the business community and Selecman 
arose over the dismissal of R. N. Blackwell, Business Manager of Athletics. 
Selecman based the dismissal, to which many Dallas business people objected, 
on Blackwell's use of alcoholic beverages. "° 

The faculty won a partial victory for a greater share in the control of the life 
of the University in 1933 with the establishment of the University Council 
which met first on October 6 of that year."^' 

No further evaluation of President Selecman is necessary except to say in his 
defense that he inherited a shaky situation from his predecessor and acted with 
sufficient boldness during his administration that a sounder foundation was laid 
for his successor in 1938, Umphrey Lee. 

The Theology Faculty 

The School of Theology faculty was reasonably stable during the Kilgore 
years. A "core" faculty — consisting of those who remained until retirement or 
at least stayed for a substantial block of time — consisted in 1926-27 of the 
following: James Kilgore as Acting Dean and Professor of Philosophy of 
Religion; James Seehom Seneker, Religious Education; W. D. Bradfield, 
Christian Doctrine; Robert Goodloe, Church History; John H. Hicks, Old 
Testament; Ora Miner, Town and Country Work; J. Richard Spann, City 


Church; and C. M. Bishop, New Testament. Mary McCord taught speech part- 
time (she was in the Speech and Drama Department of the University) for many 
years, and J. Abner Sage, from the School of Music, taught Church Music. 
Frederick D. Smith, from Arts and Sciences, was Professor of New Testament 

Spann resigned in 1927, and Umphrey Lee, Pastor of Highland Park 
Methodist Church, replaced him temporarily in Homiletics.^^ Harold G. Cooke 
replaced Spann in the City Church in 1928,''* and remained until 193 1 . Kilgore 
inquired of W. C. Martin (later a bishop) in June 1928 if Martin would be 
interested in a faculty appointment,^^ but it was only later, after he became 
pastor of First Methodist, Dallas, that he did in fact teach homiletics for a brief 
period."^ Olive Donaldson, Professor of Art, also taught a course in Art History 
beginning in 1930." Ora Miner remained until 1934. 

Faculty members had little time for research and writing. In addition to 
teaching a gradually growing student body,"^ faculty were expected to be active 
in local churches. At one point they were assigned names of churches to visit 
in a program set out by President Selecman "for bringing the School of 
Theology to the attention of the people."'^ Goodloe was pulpit supply at 
Highland Park Church during a leave of absence of Umphrey Lee.'"' 

Several faculty members were still working on Ph.D. degrees. Goodloe 
received his degree from the University of Chicago in 1929, and Hicks was in 
the process of completing his at the same time.^' A. W. Wasson who had joined 
the faculty completed his Ph.D. degree at the University of Chicago in 193 1 .^^ 
Faculty did do some writing. For example, C. M. Bishop was asked to do the 
volume on First Corinthians and J. H. Hicks on Isaiah in the "Living Bible 
Series."^'' Faculty also participated in professional societies. The Southwestern 
Society of Biblical Study and Research originated on the SMU campus on 29 
December 1929. C. M. Bishop was elected President, and the Society included 
Brite Divinity School at Texas Christian University, Southwestern Baptist 
Theological School, Oklahoma University, Howard Payne College, SMU's 
School of Theology, and others.^"* 


A record of some kind was probably set during this period by the fact that there 
was not a single change in the curriculum from 1926 to 1933. A new curriculum 
had just gone into effect when Kilgore became acting Dean, and a new one was 
begun immediately after his stepping down with Dean Hawk as the new Dean. 
The requirements during Kilgore' s deanship were: one major each in Christian 
Doctrine, Philosophy of Religion, Church History, Homiletics, Ministerial 
Efficiency, Missions, Religious Education, and Sociology, with an additional 

THE KILGORE YEARS! 1926-33 55 

one in either Christian Doctrine or Philosophy of Rehgion; four majors in New 
Testament and three in Old; two minors in Church Music and four in Public 
Speaking. Six majors were required in the major subject, with the appropriate 
language if the major was one of the Testaments. What was called a "disser- 
tation" was an additional requirement as well as an oral examination before the 
entire faculty.^'* 

"Double credit" on courses taken in the School of Theology by undergradu- 
ates — credit toward a theological degree as well as toward an undergraduate 
degree — continued to be a matter of debate (as it was even later). Apparently 
at one time up to thirty semester hours of such work were allowed, but in 1 930- 
3 1 this amount was reduced to four and one-half majors (or about fifteen 
semester hours).^^ One year later the provision was changed to allow upper 
class undergraduate students to take courses in the School of Theology but not 
to receive double credit, a move which it was hoped "would remove friction 
which now exists between the School of Theology and the Department of 
Religion in the College of Arts and Sciences."" 

Apparently this provision did not hold, however, for the April 1 932 University 
Bulletin still provides for double credit provided the student had had six 
semester hours of preparatory work in the field and sixty semester hours of 
general course work (that is, it was open only to juniors and seniors). ^^ Perhaps 
it is true that if a faculty does not revise the curriculum, it will find some other 
curricular problem to discuss! 

Continuing Education 

Continuing education, known then as "Extension Work," continued to be an 
important part of the work of the School of Theology. One type that persisted 
was the Pastors' School, which had begun in its current form in 1922. The 
school lasted for ten days and was under the direction of A. C. Zumbrunnen, 
Professor of Religion and Dean of Students for the College of Arts and 
Sciences. (It was probably thought of as an activity of the University in general 
rather than the School of Theology in particular, but was widely staffed with 
theological faculty.) It offered work in the Course of Study for those preparing 
for ordination without a seminary education, and gave courses on a "graduate" 
level for those already ordained.-^'' The courses could also be taken by corre- 
spondence, and often were. 

The Conference Course of Study, it should be remembered, was the basic 
way in which one was made a member of the Annual Conference and ordained, 
and this remained the case for many years. A Bachelor of Divinity degree was 
an alternative means at that time of seeking ordination, a substitute for the 
Conference Course of Study. To indicate what a small number of Southern 


Methodist ministers possessed anything Hke an adequate formal education, the 
following statistics from Stonewall Anderson of the Board of Education at 
Nashville are illuminating. Only four out of 100 Methodist ministers in 1927 
were seminary graduates. Ten out of 100 had received some theology school 
training; 22 out of 100 had received some college training, and 31 out of 100 
had received only an elementary education.'*" With so few candidates for min- 
istry eligible for the School of Theology at this time (a fact which began to 
change in the 1930s), it is no wonder that SMU's School of Theology had 
problems in obtaining students for its degree work and offered in its place so 
much non-credit work. 

The Winter Short Term was a second form of extension work — "for the 
benefit of pastors and church workers, directors of religious education, church 
secretaries and Sunday school teachers.'"*^ The school conducted Missionary 
Institutes,'*^ and other forms of continuing education, including the Fondren 
Lectures, were regularly carried out. The School of Theology still took quite 
seriously its responsibility for its larger constituency, the M. E. Church, South, 
and especially its clergy. 

Student Life 

If the records are accurate, the extracurricular life of theology students 
increased considerably during the Kilgore years. A significant aspect of this 
increase was the beginning of the Interseminary Movement (called "Associa- 
tion") during this early period."^ The earliest record of this group, which gath- 
ered students from the various participating denominations in colleges and 
universities together for study, worship, and fellowship, is in 1927. A brief 
article appeared in a 1927 edition of the Semi-Weekly Campus about students 
from Texas Christian University coming to SMU to discuss the organization.'" 
Meetings subsequently occurred with both graduate and undergraduate stu- 
dents taking part."*^ Dr. James Moffatt, Fondren Lecturer for 1929, addressed 
a meeting of this group on the SMU campus on 16 April 1929."^ Students from 
state universities also participated, unlike a later day when only seminary 
students attended."*^ As many as four meetings were held yearly.'*^ 

Perhaps this increase in student activities was due in part to a gradually 
increasing student body .'*^ In any case more and more events are recorded in the 
Semi-Weekly Campus, the chief source for a description of student life. For 
example, the annual picnic was held in 1927 at Summit Point on White Rock 
Lake, on May 6. A description of the activities indicates that the seniors had 
planned and directed the picnic for the first time. Students won the baseball 
game over the faculty, and Acting Dean Kilgore accompanied Professor and 
Mrs. Abner Sage's duet.'" The picnic was held at Doran's Point the following 

THE KILGORE YEARS! 1926-33 57 

year, on March 23.^' 

What is more interesting is that the first banquet was held on 4 May 1928. 
Walter Towner was chair for the event, and Kate Wamick assisted, as she did 
for many years following. Seventy-five attended the event at which the speaker 
was Honorable Wallace Hawkins, former Assistant Attorney General, with 
Mrs. Wamick providing piano music. ^' This event, except for 1932 because of 
the Depression, and 1947 for unstated reasons, has continued to the present, 
having taken many forms. Speakers were a part of the program until 1965. The 
first dance was held this same year, and those attending celebrated with an 
Agape Meal in 1977. Panorama, which became a faculty "take-off," was 
featured at some later programs, and since 1970 there has been little or no 
program. Each year since 1969 the students have presented the Elsa Cook 
Award, named for the long-time secretary of student life, to an outstanding 
student." Usually the faculty take-off has been done on another occasion. For 
example, it was done at a Christmas party at Highland Park Church in 1929,^'* 
and many years later it was carried out as the spring "Panorama." 

The first record of the theologs' receiving an intramural pennant is in 1928, 
when they received the pennant in the Independent Basketball Toumey.^^ 

Two pre-theological students were elected president of the SMU student 
body during this period: O. Eugene Slater (later a bishop) in 1930^^ and Ennis 
Hill in 1932." Slater actually served his term after he was in the School of 
Theology. Another bishop coming out of this period was Sante Barbieri, a 
graduate of "Little SMU" in Brazil, who received his B.A., M.A., and B.D. in 
1932, and was later made a bishop in Brazil. Lance Webb received the B.A. 
degree in 1933 and the B.D. in 1934, and was elected to the episcopacy after 
serving in North Texas and Ohio.^^ All three future bishops were members of 
the same prayer-fellowship group while at SMU.^^ 

The School of Theology continued to maintain an international flavor. For 
example, out of thirty -three graduates in 1932, five were internationals, from 
Korea, Brazil, and Mexico.^" Two years earlier, SMU graduates were in min- 
istry in seventeen countries outside the United States, with sixty representa- 

School of Theology Worship 

One would think that chapel in a school of theology would be universally 
attended, that students would adjust their schedules to fit the chapel schedule, 
and that few problems would exist in regard to seminary worship, but such is 
not the case. And so, numerous changes occurred in these early days with 
regard to chapel, and they have continued throughout its history. In 1929, the 
time for chapel was 12:00 to 12:30 p.m., four days a week." The faculty was 


periodically roused to assume more responsibility for community worship, as 
it was at the opening faculty meeting in 1931: 
Dr. Bishop spoke concerning the efforts to improve our chapel services, 
appealing for greater interest and fervor. Dr. Bishop then moved that the 
Dean arrange the chapel programs for the first few weeks in line with the 
above idea, and that on the first day of school there be held a Communion 
service, followed one day each by the several professors and four students.^^ 
Four weeks later Bishop reported favorably on the increased attendance at 
chapel. The faculty then appointed a committee, with, of course. Bishop on it 
along with A. W. Wasson and Nell Anders, to continue the good work.^ In 
December the faculty gave a vote of thanks to the committee and asked it to 
continue its work, and they apparently did such a good job that they were asked 
in April to continue for the third quarter of the academic year.^^ 

In 1933 the chapel time was changed to 8:30 a.m., Tuesday through Friday. 
Apparently some time between 1931 and 1933 a one hour per week arrange- 
ment had been tried.^^ So has run the course of chapel — a concern for low 
attendance, experiments with different schedules, and attempts to improve the 
quality of worship. It has probably been better since students took it over in the 
1930s, but the problems have continued in various ways to the present. 

The School of Theology Library 

One of the questions a university faces is whether it has one library or separate 
libraries for the separate schools. The decision was made, as we have seen, in 
1925 to set up a separate theology library. That library grew steadily from 
almost nothing in 1915, but it grew exceedingly slowly. Kate Wamick 
continued as librarian with student help, on the second floor of old Kirby Hall. 
By 1930 Mrs. Wamick reported that Kirby Library had 10,715 books, 1,285 
bound periodical volumes, and 2,000 pamphlets, and was receiving 82 periodi- 
cals.^^ It had its own card catalog, and was supported by 75,000 catalogued 
volumes in the General Library. 

At the heart of the Theology collection were the Methodist and the Shettles 
collections, provided during the first year of the University, and the Whited 
Research Fund, worth $10,000, and the John A. Rice Old Testament Fund, at 
a similar value. Other individual donors included Jesse H. Jones of Houston.^* 

The Mustang Band 

An interesting and historically significant episode has to do with the place that 
theology students had in the development of SMU's Mustang Band. Although 
Cy Barcus was not yet a pre-theological student when he began making history 
with the Band, he continued as its director through his theological study and 

THE KiLGORE years: 1926-33 59 

even maintained some relationship with it after graduation. It was he who began 
the "jazz band" tradition — which appears to have been a truly unique devel- 
opment for the time.^*^ He received his local preacher's license in 1919 and 
began his theological work in 1924.™ One of the many traditions for which 
Barcus is responsible is the adaptation of a song he heard on a phonograph 
record to become SMU's "Peruna," a song which still remains the school's 
principal "fight song."^' 

Robert E. Goodrich, Jr. (later a bishop) became a member of and eventually 
assistant conductor of the band when he entered the School of Theology. He 
continued and refined the Barcus tradition when he took over as conductor in 
1933.^- Goodrich initiated a special band program in 1932, and the following 
year the program was called "Pigskin Review."^"* This program featured sing- 
ers, magicians, and other entertainers as well as the band,^^ and in 1 934 Goodrich 
and Charlie Meeker^"* produced a review which played to more than four 
thousand paid admissions in Dallas and elsewhere.^^ 

Goodrich showed his concern for media, later put to work for the church, by 
beginning a series of radio programs." Barcus had already taken the band on 
several trips in addition to those with the football team,™ and Goodrich ex- 
panded this tradition by, among other things, taking the band on a European 
tour.^*^ In 1935 the tour included the Chicago Palace Theater,'^*' and Lowe's Cir- 
cuit booked the band for seven consecutive weeks. They did not fulfill the 
engagement, however, and as I have always understood it was due to Goodrich' s 
realization that he had to make a choice between entering the entertainment 
field or the Methodist ministry.*^' He chose the latter, of course, and became one 
of the outstanding preachers of at first Southern Methodism and later the entire 
Methodist Church after unification. 

Heresy Hunts 

Heresy hunts were not over after the stormy 1920s. In 1930, for example. Dr. 
Frank Onderdonk wrote to Dean Kilgore to say that he thought "Br. Bishop was 
not orthodox." Kilgore defended Bishop by citing specific instances of his piety 
and devotion and by saying that a well-known fundamentalist had said that 
Bishop's talk to a Sunday school class was one of the best he had ever heard.*^ 
Incidents such as this continued during the Kilgore and later the Hawk 
administrations. Students sometimes agreed with the criticisms but more often 
supported the faculty whom they had come to know and often to love as 
genuinely Christian human beings. 

Financial Support 

We have already seen how the aggressive policy of President Selecman, while 
it led to considerable growth in the University (new buildings, two new schools, 


and increased endowment) also led to an increased debt, to more than $600,000 
at one period.*^ Endowment grew, as we have seen, as well as plant value.^'* The 
truth of the matter, however, is that SMU was still not tapping the newly made 
fortunes in oil to the extent needed. Gifts of hundreds of thousands of dollars 
were considered significant, whereas the University needed millions in order 
to be able to become what it envisioned itself to be. It was decades later before 
gifts in the milhons of dollars began to be provided. 

But what about the School of Theology? University presidents have some- 
times complained that individual schools can raise money more easily than the 
University as a whole, and this is probably true. In the case of the School of 
Theology, however, the tendency for the University was to treat it from the start 
as an independent financial entity responsible for its own budget. This was 
partly due to the fact that the M. E. Church, South (and later the Methodist 
Church) did provide at least minimum support for the School of Theology. 
Bishop John M. Moore's files contain a startling statistic for 1927-28. Out of 
the theology budget of $49,130.39, the church provided $33,942.89 and gave 
endowment to the extent of $15,187.50.^^ The manuscript continues: 

In the past two years, under the efficient management of Acting Dean 
James Kilgore, the school has operated without a deficit. This result has 
been obtained by: 

1. Paying salaries that are scarcely half what the professors would 
receive in the pastorate. 

2. Limiting the number of students.^^ 

The money which came through the church consisted not only of gifts from 
official bodies (annual conferences, national boards, the General Conference), 
but also from church people. The most significant of the latter, used for en- 
dowment in 1927 from Mrs. Emma Lehman, amounted to $84,959.19.*' Mrs. 
Lehman was bom in Cincinnati, Ohio, 1 6 August 1 854, but moved to Louisiana 
with her family in 1869. Her father died, and her mother took her two brothers 
back to Ohio. Emma stayed with her uncle, H. N. Meir, and his wife, at first in 
Louisiana, and then in Dallas beginning in 1876. In 1890 Emma married 
Edward Lehman, and both were charter members of Grace Methodist Church. 
Mr. Lehman died in 1919, and Mrs. Lehman seven years later, in 1926.** The 
Edward and Emma Lehman Foundation was incorporated in the School of 
Theology endowment with the freedom for the School to use it as the School 
determined.*^ In 193 1 the money was designated for the Edward H. and Emma 
Lehman Chair of Christian Doctrine,^" first held by W. D. Bradfield. 

Whereas the Lehman money had come to the School of Theology without 
any known solicitation, a fund-raising campaign began in the fall of 1929 in an 

THE KiLGORE years: 1926-33 61 

attempt to increase the School of Theology endowment. Called the "Ministerial 
Million Fund," it was aimed toward people in churches, with clergy being 
enlisted as fund raisers. John M. Moore was the chair of the campaign.*" The 
fund was to begin by soliciting names from the presiding elders (district 
superintendents in modem parlance).^^ In one publication, Bishop Hoyt M. 
Dobbs, former Dean of the School of Theology, pointed out that SMU's School 
of Theology had enrolled 800 students during its 15 years of existence, 
including thirty-six from other countries, and that therefore the M. E. Church, 
South, had the obligation to provide better support for it as well as for its other 
school of theology, at Emory University.''^ 

I have found no record of how much was raised in this campaign — probably 
not a great deal. The campaign coincided with the increasing pressure of the 
Great Depression on the South, in the early and middle 1930s. Later endow- 
ment amounts do not reflect a large amount of money having been raised during 
this drive. 

And so we can conclude that the School of Theology simply got along, poorly 
financed and unable to expand its program significantly, until 1946 when the 
Perkins family's money came to the School for both building and endowment. 

The A. V. Lane Museum 

From its beginning, various people donated collections of one kind or another 
to the School of Theology. One of the chief donors, with continuing interest, 
was A. V. Lane, a Dallas physician. He presented an original gift of archaeological 
items from the Belgian Congo, Japan, China, Mexico, India, and the Holy 
Land, and he continued to give other materials. In 1937 he provided $1 ,000 for 
the equipping of a museum.^'* The most popular item, still in Bridwell Library, 
was an Egyptian mummy brought to America by Judge A. W. Terrell of Austin. 
A minister plenipotentiary during Grover Cleveland's Presidency, he helped 
solve a problem for the Egyptian government, and the government in turn 
presented him with the mummy, presumed to be a princess from the time of 
Ramses II, the Pharaoh of the Hebrew Oppression.'^ 

Others have added to the collection, and the museum was named the A. V. 
Lane Museum in March 1928.'^ Between the opening of the still-unnamed 
museum in January 1 927 and 1 933, according to the Semi- Weekly Campus, 1 ,700 
visitors signed the museum's registry.''^ Dr. J. H. Hicks served as director 
during this period and Mrs. John Wamick as curator.'** Mrs. Wamick was al- 
ways a gracious hostess to the swarms of children who came to see the mummy. 
Although not a significant museum as museums go, it brought thousands of 
visitors to the SMU campus over the years. 


Campus Religious Activities 

Although our focus is on the School of Theology, it is appropriate to note briefly 
the scope of religious activities on the total campus (of which, of course, the 
School of Theology was an integral part). For many years an annual revival was 
held on campus, sometimes called "adjustment" and later "Religious Emphasis 
Week." In 1929, for example, Clovis Chappell was the preacher,^^ and in 1932 
J. N. R. Score began the revival at Highland Park Church on Sunday morning 
and continued on campus throughout the week.""^ The university sponsored 
other religious services,"" and beginning in 1933 chapel was reduced to only 
once a week.'°^ Also, the Religious Activities office held early morning Holy 
Week services during 1932.'"'' 

A special social service class (for carrying out helpful projects) had begun in 
1922,'°'* and continued for a number of years, later moving to Highland Park 
Church. '°^ A Christian Council was organized in 1 926 for coordinating campus 
religious activities,'"^ later becoming the Student Council of Religious Activi- 
ties (SCRA). Gordon Gay served as Director of Religious Activities until 1928, 
to be followed by Robert E. Dickenson who also remained for some years. '"^ 
A Pre-theological Association functioned on campus for many years. '"^ It 
persisted at least into the 1950s when for several years I served as faculty 
member and the junior member of by then the Perkins School of Theology 

A great many university religious activities have persisted into the 1980s. 
More of them are independent, however, not directly related to the University 
as in the earlier years. The major exception, of course, is the office of Chaplain 
to the University, which has existed since 1949. 


The impression one gets from reading about the 1920s and early 1930s is that 
SMU was still very much a religiously affiliated school. As a student in the 
School of Theology from 1937 to 1940, 1 can attest to the reality of this fact at 
that time. There was a strong secular bent on campus, however, and it was 
becoming even then increasingly difficult to maintain a direct Methodist 
connection. We shall see in the next chapter some of the steps in this breakdown 
of Methodist control. Although this did not directly affect the School of 
Theology, it did change the atmosphere in which it operated and gradually 
separated the "preacher" or "angel" factory (School of Theology) from the 
remainder of the University, an increasingly secular institution. 

The Hawk Years: 

The dual purpose of the School of Theology was affirmed at a faculty meeting 
on 23 January 1936, two and one-half years after Eugene B. Hawk became its 
Dean. Its primary duty, the faculty affirmed, is "the training of a pious and 
learned ministry. This work is usually carried on through regular class instruction 
or through supervised study by correspondence." This covered both degree 
students as well as those qualifying for Methodist ministry through the 
Conference Course of Study, a series of courses, often done by correspondence, 
set up by the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, for qualification for ordination. 
This work was done either through the Emory or the SMU "correspondence 

The second responsibility, the faculty went on to say, is in regard to the larger 
church, and they gave as an example the recently begun Bible conferences for 
which the General Board of Education wanted seminary faculty to provide 

There was no question, therefore, that SMU' s School of Theology was apart 
of the M. E. Church, South, and the efforts of that church to provide for itself 
an educated ministry. The primary agency responsible was the larger church; 
the seminary was an agency of the church for helping make that possible. A 
secondary purpose was to extend that Christian education to the larger church 
through such enterprises as Bible conferences, aimed primarily at the laity. The 
mandate of SMU was changed somewhat when the two Episcopal branches of 
Methodism (North and South) and the Methodist Protestant Church united to 
form the Methodist Church in 1939. The domain of Southern Methodist 
University had been Southern Methodism west of the Mississippi. Now it 
became the South Central Jurisdiction of the Methodist Church consisting of 
Texas, Louisiana, New Mexico, Oklahoma, Kansas, Arkansas, Missouri, and 

Eugene B. Hawk 

Eugene Blake Hawk was ideally suited to administer a church institution. Pastor 
of Fourth Avenue M. E. Church, South, in Louisville, Kentucky, at the time of 



his selection as Dean in June 1933,^ he was not in the strict sense of the word 
an educator. Bom in 1881, he had served churches in the Central Texas 
Conference including First Church, Fort Worth, had been a presiding elder 
(district superintendent) of the Waxahachie District, and was a thoroughgoing 
Methodist. With an A.B. from Emory and Henry and a B.D. from Vanderbilt,^ 
he had basic theological education but no advanced degree. His vision for the 
School of Theology appears not to have extended much beyond Methodism, 
but he made that service increasingly more efficient during his almost eighteen 
years of service as Dean. Some faculty felt that academic standards were 
sacrificed, perhaps because of an open admissions policy and because of the 
increasing size of the student body without the addition of sufficient faculty.^ 

Hawk was elected Vice-President of the University in 1938, and was acting 
President between Selecman and Lee,^ from 1 September 1938 to 1 March 
1939.^ He remained as Dean until 1 September 1951, and stayed on an 
additional year as Vice-President of the University, until his retirement in 

After his brief tenure as acting President, a committee drew up a resolution 
of appreciation including these words: "So thorough and capable has his work 
as an administrator been that no unrest of dissatisfaction or hesitancy in the 
program of the institution has occurred."^ Perhaps his administration as Dean 
can best be summarized by words he wrote in 1945, when he said that the 
faculty "believes that the men who go from the Seminaries must be better 
trained for an effective ministry."'^ 

The events contained in this chapter are one way of describing the accom- 
plishments of and during his administration. 

Umphrey Lee as President 

The first five years of Hawk's deanship were under the presidency of Charles 
Selecman. Umphrey Lee was named President in November 1 938, and assumed 
his duties early the following year." This means that the majority of Hawk's 
term was spent during the presidency of Umphrey Lee, with Hawk also serving 
as Vice-President during most of this period. 

Umphrey Lee was the second educator to hold the presidential office at 
SMU, the first having been Robert S. Hyer. Lee was ordained, and served in the 
pastoral ministry, much of the time at Highland Park Methodist Church on the 
SMU campus. '^ He also completed his graduate work while a pastor,'^ and served 
for two and one-half years as Dean of the Vanderbilt School of Religion before 
returning to Dallas.'" Lee, according to Herbert Gambrell, long-time member 
of the History Department, was not a preacher dubbed educator but an 
educational statesman. "In every relationship of life, in every task to which he 

THE HAWK years: 1 933-5 1 65 

set his hand, Umphrey Lee was an extraordinary man."'^ 

The campus had changed from Lee' s time as a student during 1915-16 when 
he was student body president. In those days, according to a historical note in 
the Semi-Weekly Campus, SMU kept hogs and butchered them on Bishop 
Boulevard for use in the dormitories."' The character of the school had changed 
much less; it was still essentially a humanities college with other schools 
attached. Dancing was still prohibited, and the church was still in control. Lee's 
educational statesmanship began to change this so that by 195 1 he could report 
to the Board of Trustees, "What has happened is that we have a University on 
our hands. "'^ It was not, I think, that Lee wanted to wrest SMU from the church, 
but rather that he understood that changes were necessary in order to create a 
university. Thus, Hyer's dream began to come true some thirty-five years after 
the start of the institution. 

Few people have ever enjoyed — and kept — the respect of so many different 
people as Umphrey Lee had maintained. What John W. Bowyer of the English 
faculty said in the alumni magazine in December 1938 is representative: "The 
city of Dallas is pleased, the alumni are pleased, the student body are jubilant, 
and the faculty, who should know more about the University than anyone else 
and probably do, constantly reveal their satisfaction and their hope for the 
future."'^ At Lee's death in 1959, the Dallas Times Herald wrote: 

A great and good man is gone. 

A community, a state and a nation suffered inestimable loss. Dr. Lee was 
one of the most beloved citizens of Texas. The popularity of Dr. Lee, his 
skill as an administrator, his charm of personality, his broad tolerance and 
hard work were important factors in winning for SMU the goodwill and 
support, not only of Dallas residents of all faiths, but of public-spirited 
citizens of all Texas and other states. '^ 

It was not in educational attainments alone that Lee contributed substantially 
to the development of SMU. By 1945 he could report to the Board of Trustees 
that all debts having to do with operating expenses had been cleared.'" The 
beginning of an annual financial campaign, under the leadership of a now- 
retired Bishop Boaz and called the Sustentation Campaign, increasingly made 
a financial contribution to the University (but not directly to the School of 
Theology)."' Before the close of Lee's presidency, twenty new buildings stood 
on the campus,"" and the endowment, while still inadequate, at least had 

The price which the church paid for this transformation was the loss of 
control of the University, and the control, even the influence, became less over 
the years. It was not so much that Lee wanted to preside over the secularization 
of SMU; rather, as he developed an educational institution in a secular world, 


the control, and finally the influence, of the church tended to lessen. For 
example, a drastic reduction in compulsory chapel to once a month^^ eventually 
led to no compulsory chapel at all. The process Lee used to counteract this 
secularization was to spend more money on campus religious personnel^'' and 
eventually, in 1 949, to secure a chaplain for the University to direct its religious 

Underlying all of this is the problem to which earlier reference was made: the 
problem of relating a religion which calls for commitment to a particular point 
of view and the spirit of free inquiry supported by education. 

World War II 

Hawk came to SMU' s School of Theology in the midst of the Great Depression, 
and before the new oil riches of Texas were tapped significantly for the 
University. By the time Lee arrived war clouds were beginning to overshadow 
but not dispel the Depression, and World War II began six months later. 
Although it was several years before the war began to affect the United States 
directly, the loss of students soon became apparent. The Board of Trustees 
heard the report on 26 January 1943 that SMU continued to lose students to the 
war effort.'^ The Semi-Weekly Campus indicates the evidence of girding for the 
war effort as early as 1942,-^ and the School of Theology faculty received 
reports from Wesley Davis of defense plans for the University in January 

During 1943, the Navy V-12 program was expanded to train doctors, 
dentists, and chaplains for wartime service. Pre-theological and theological 
students accepted for chaplain's training would be assigned to theological 
seminaries on campuses which already had V-12 units. The SMU School of 
Theology was one of these. 

In fall 1944 the program was begun. Relatively few students were accepted 
nationwide. They had the lowly rank of apprentice seamen but were outfitted 
with impressive cadet-style uniforms. The SMU contingent consisted of 
Kenneth McDowell of Oklahoma, Neill McFarland (later a Perkins faculty 
member), Walter Lee Underwood (later a bishop) and a fourth student who was 
transferred out of the program at an early stage. 

Of these, only McDowell, a senior, was commissioned as a chaplain. With 
the end of the war, the program was cancelled and the remaining participants 
were discharged in December 1945."^^ 

Following the war, of course, the situation was reversed, and this also 
included the School of Theology. The President reported to the Board of 
Trustees in 1 946 that Arts and Sciences had almost doubled since 1 944, and that 
the other schools had such spectacular growth as 346 to 85 1 in Engineering and 

THE HAWK years: 1933-51 67 

79 to 152 in Law. Theology had grown from 152 to 238.^° Temporary buildings 
for classes and offices, for housing, and as a student center were moved on 
campus (mostly from Camp Howze at Greenville). "" By the spring semester of 
1947 the student body had reached 6,712.'*' 

This increase created problems of adequate faculty all over the campus, 
including the School of Theology. When I came to teach in 1949, the student 
body of the School of Theology had reached some 300 students, while the 
faculty had not increased significantly over what it was with half that many 
students. Faculty loads strained ability to give adequate guidance to students, 
and until 1950 the one building which had housed fewer than one hundred 
theology students in 1924 was now invaded by more than 300. 

The Faculty 

In the early years of the Hawk administration, a permanent faculty developed 
and remained into the years of his successor, Merrimon Cuninggim. This "core 
faculty" was supplemented by visiting faculty and by a few additional members 
who arrived later on in the Hawk years. Three retirements occurred during the 
first years of Hawk's deanship: James Kilgore and C. M. Bishop in 1934 and 
W. D. Bradfield in 1936.''^ A. W. Wasson went to the Board of Missions in 
Nashville in 1934.^** Those remaining and immediate additions included Hawk 
in Homiletics and Pastoral Theology;^^ James Seehom Seneker in Religious 
Education; Robert W. Goodloe in Church History; John H. Hicks in Old 
Testament; Wesley C. Davis in New Testament (beginning in January 1935); 
J. T. Carlyon in Christian Doctrine (first as visiting professor in 1934 and then 
as Professor of Christian Doctrine in 1936); and Paul A. Root, in Sociology of 
Rehgion, in 1935.^' 

Various other people taught on a visiting basis or for a brief period. N. C. 
McPherson was professor of the Philosophy of Religion and Christian Doctrine 
for two years. Harold Hart Todd continued to teach Church Music until the late 
1930s. Mary McCord taught Public Speaking until she was replaced by a full- 
time professor of Speech, and Olive Donaldson taught Art History in 1 936. Guy 
W.Sarvis was visiting professor ofMissions in 1934-35; William H.Bamhardt, 
in Philosophy of Religion in 1934-35; and R. E. Edwards, in Counseling in 
1937. J. Paul Reed was visiting professor of Missions in 1937-38. Fred D. 
Gealy came as a visiting professor in 1938, and remained on the faculty until 
his retirement (and after). During his career, he at various times taught 
Missions, Church Music, New Testament Greek, and New Testament (the 
latter being his major field). He also began in 1 939 and for many years directed 
the Seminary Singers, and after 1951 was chapel organist. A. M. Serex was 
visiting professor of Philosophy of Religion." 


Since I attended classes taught by most of these faculty members between 
1937 and 1940, 1 can attest to their competency as teachers. ^^ There was little 
time for research and writing, however. Most of their time was consumed in 
preparing to teach, in teaching, and in grading together with committee work 
and the work they were expected to do in local churches.^^ 

Brief sketches of the seven "core" professors seem appropriate, based largely 
on my knowledge of them first as a student and later as a teaching colleague. 

James Seehorn Seneker was educated under the preeminent religious 
educationist of his time and still a respected educator of the "liberal" school, 
George Albert Coe. Seneker was a pastor before going to Union Theological 
Seminary in New York to do graduate work, and apparently was a much 
beloved one. Over the years, however, he tended toward eccentricity in his 
relationships. Former students have testified to me over the years that his 
experiential as opposed to a transmissive understanding of Christian education 
was of a great value to them. He was a fine colleague, a gracious host, and 
generous in his will, leaving an estate of more then $1,000,000 to Perkins for 
religious education scholarships and for a partial professorship in religious 
education. He began teaching in 1921 and retired in 1957. 

Robert W. Goodloe, Church History, was the mentor for many generations 
of students. He gave of his time unstintingly to both school and larger church, 
and was active in the Central Texas Conference. He was a fine teacher and a 
caring friend. Rumor has it that he wanted to be Dean prior to Hawk's coming, 
and perhaps this was what tended to make him a little bitter during his latter 
years. This feeling did not detract from his teaching, however, nor from the 
generosity of his personal relationships. He began teaching on a visiting basis 
in 1920, was gone for a year of graduate work, and became a permanent 
member of the faculty in 1 922. He retired in 1 957 and taught at Hendrix College 
after his retirement. 

John H. Hicks, Old Testament, was a truly great teacher who made the 
prophets live and who himself "became" the prophet Amos as he read from that 
book in his deep, sonorous voice. His eyesight was so bad that he readjust a few 
inches from his book, but this never seemed to slow him in his work. His sense 
of humor stood him in good stead until he retired in 1957 after thirty-five years 
of service to the school. Afterwards he taught at McMurry College in Abilene 
where he died in office. 

Wesley C. Davis was a careful scholar and teacher in New Testament, not so 
dynamic as Hicks but still an effective teacher. In addition to his teaching in the 
seminary, he taught a large class (up to five hundred members) at Highland Park 
Methodist Church for many years. The class was considered as "church" for 
many members and those attending had a good "sermon" from their teacher. 

THE HAWK years: 1933-51 69 

Davis chaired at least two curricular review committees, including that under 
Dean Cuninggim which led to a somewhat innovative "core curriculum." Davis 
and Gealy retired the same year (1959) and reversed procedures by talking 
about one another rather than themselves in their response to the evening. 

J. T. Carlyon, Christian Doctrine, was a gentleman who in his gentle way 
encouraged people to think about their faith. Perhaps his greatest problem was 
his failure to recognize fully the new winds of theology blowing from Europe 
and the East Coast. No one was more loyal, nor more energetic, in his work in 
local churches. He and I taught in the same training school a number of times, 
and he never seemed to tire of driving back and forth from nearby churches. 
Both Davis and Carlyon served on staffs of local churches after their retirement, 
which for Carlyon took place in 1954. 

Paul A. Root became my mentor during my first quarter at SMU through a 
wonderful course in "Social Pathology." I served as his assistant including the 
proof-reading of the book version of his Ph.D. dissertation. Later I assisted him 
in beginning and operating the Theological Circulating Library. He combined 
an early training in Methodist piety (later abetted by work at Asbury College) 
with the scholar's love of truth which he learned during his theological and 
graduate work at Duke University. 

One amusing incident: I, like he, tended to be the "nervous" type. On one 
occasion he was telling me that I ought to contain my nervous gestures, during 
which time he continued to run his Phi Beta Kappa key up and down his key 
chain — one of his persistent habits! 

He was elected to the deanship of Duke Divinity School in 1947, and had 
asked me to go with him as his assistant. Before I had made a decision. Root 
died of a heart attack, in May 1 947 . Root was a popular preacher and at one time 
First Methodist Church, Dallas, attempted to secure him as their preacher after 
he had served an interim pastorate there. Root was the second School of 
Theology professor, after Frank Seay, to die in office. 

FredD. Gealy, who came on a visiting basis in 1938, became a permanent 
member of the faculty the following year. Gealy was an extremely versatile 
teacher, and a person of many interests. He came to the School of Theology 
after teaching at Aoyama Gakuin in Tokyo, Japan, for twelve years.'*" He taught 
in such varied fields as Church Music and New Testament Greek. Later, during 
the Cuninggim regime he taught in his field of concentration. New Testament, 
until his retirement in 1959. After his retirement he taught at the Methodist 
Theological Seminary in Ohio, and after his second retirement and return to 
Dallas, he still taught occasionally at SMU. At the time of his death, he had not 
quite completed the grading of a set of papers for the course he was currently 


Later Faculty 

One of Dean Hawk's priorities was to enlarge the faculty to serve a growing 
Student body. His budget was inadequate to make this fully possible, and during 
the 1940s the additions to the "core" faculty were augmented by a number of 
visiting faculty. This might not have been the best way to improve faculty 
quality, but a growing student body, especially after World War II, necessitated 
the additions regardless of how they were made. 

The earliest of the permanent additions was A. W. Martin, who was brought 
to the campus in 1945 to establish a new Department of the Local Church (later 
"Church Administration"). Part of the reason for the emphasis on "the Local 
Church" was to offset the tendency of Professor Seneker's courses to be 
considered too theoretical."' Martin was also made responsible for "Field 
Work" (later "Field Education").*" Martin, who had been an active pastor in 
North Arkansas, both enlivened faculty meetings with his acerbic wit and made 
things move in his areas of concern, because of high activism. He remained 
until his retirement in 1956, when through a gift from the second Mrs. Martin, 
the A. W. Martin Local Church Research Laboratory was established at Perkins 
in his honor. 

Earl Marlatt, formerly Dean of the Boston University School of Theology, 
came as a visiting professor of Homiletics in January 1946.^*^ He was elected 
Professor of the Philosophy of Religion in June 1946.** He also taught in the 
field of Religious Literature until his retirement in 1957. Marlatt had been 
educated partly in Germany, was a strong Personalist, and also became 
increasingly eccentric both in his teaching and his single personal life. He is 
remembered best for his composition of the words of the hymn "Are Ye Able?" 

Thomas H. Marsh was also elected Associate Professor of Speech in 1946 . 
Marsh, a graduate of Northwestern University,'*"^ did a great deal to teach his 
students better speech habits and performance, and taught classes in Homilet- 
ics. Active in the hfe of the school, he also produced the Methodist Men's Hour 
for radio for a number of years. This program featured Dr. Marshall T. Steel, 
pastor of Highland Park Church, as preacher. When the new Kirby Hall was 
built, the church provided the latest radio recording equipment for Marsh's 
studio so that he could record and edit the program at the school. He was the 
third faculty member to die in office (after Seay and Root) in March 1962. 

Ben O. Hill, who had been a missionary in Cuba for a number of years, was 
brought to the campus as "overseer" (to use Umphrey Lee's word) of the 
Mexican- American Program."*^ His coming in 1 948 was an early attempt to help 
the seminary serve the Hispanic churches in Texas, especially those of the Rio 
Grande Conference. He also directed the program by which SMU furnished the 
Religion faculty at Texas College, a black college in Tyler, Texas."*' In addition 

THE HAWK years: 1933-51 71 

he served as Visiting Professor of Missions in the School of Theology.""* 

William Warren Sweet was the last of the permanent additions to the faculty 
during the Hawk years. The pioneer in American church history, he had just 
retired from the University of Chicago. He was brought by President Lee as 
"Chairman of the Faculty" in Theology as well as Professor of Church History, 
in the fall of 1948. Exactly how the Chair of the Faculty was to work with the 
Dean was not made very clear, though rumor had it that the faculty could not 
meet with Dean Hawk without conflict arising because of the unresolved 
problems between them. There is no gap in faculty Minutes, however, and 
Hawk attended the first meeting in which Sweet presided.'''^ When Umphrey 
Lee introduced Sweet to the faculty, his duties were stated as follows: 

— to be presiding officer of the meetings of the faculty; 

— to be ex-officio member of all committees having to do with academic 

— to be consulted by the Dean regarding faculty appointments; 

— to be advisor to the librarian; 

— to have access to all records in the registrar's office; 

— to have no responsibility for business affairs; finances were to be 
completely in the hands of the Dean.^° 

One can speculate — and such appears to be the reality in this case — that a 
Chairman of the Faculty with no responsibility for finances is likely to be fairly 
impotent in the choice of faculty.^' 

Russell L. Dicks had a brief stint as a part-time faculty member in Pastoral 
Theology and part-time on the Highland Park Methodist Church staff, from 
1941 to 1943.^' Visiting faculty included Umphrey Lee, Floyd Poe, W. Angie 
Smith, Paul W. Quillian, Albea Godbold, Juan N. Pascoe, O. W. Moemer, Mrs. 
C. W. Kent, L. F. Sensabaugh, Douglas Jackson (who later became full-time 
faculty), Erwin Bohmfalk, Paul Cardwell, Leo Rippy, Mary Floyd, J. D. F. 
Williams, Norman Snaith, and W. B. Mahan.'*'' Some were pastors; others were 
from the University faculty; still others were from boards and agencies of the 
Methodist Church; and a few were local lay people with special skills. 

Paul Quillian, Pastor of First Church, Houston, had agreed to be full-time 
Professor of Homiletics in 1 950**^ but died soon after the April 1 949 announce- 
ment. Several other names were proposed but 1 find no record that they actually 
taught — for example, Roy L. Felder.^^ 

Howard Grimes was elected to the faculty in May 1949*^^ and taught in his 
major field. Religious Education. During his first few years he also taught 
courses in Counseling and Sociology of Religion, the latter having been a major 
emphasis in B.D. and S.T.M. degrees. Albert Outler was persuaded to come to 
the faculty in 1950 but is actually a part of the Cuninggim faculty." Decherd 



Turner became Librarian and Professor of Bibliography in the fall of 1950.^* 
George C. Baker came to the University as chaplain in 1949 and taught 
Homiletics in the School of Theology ,^^ until he became McCreless Professor 
of Evangelism when that chair was established. William A. Irwin joined the 
faculty in the fall of 1950, in Old Testament, after retiring from the University 
of Chicago. 

The Curriculum 

As soon as Hawk became Dean, the faculty began tinkering with the curricu- 
lum. The first changes had to do with changing the number of required courses 
in certain fields. A major was defined to be one-third of a term's (quarter's) 
value, while a minor was a course with half that value. The curricula of 1934 
and 1935 are contrasted below: 



Old Testament 

3 majors 

2 majors 

New Testament 

4 majors 

3 majors 

Church History 

1 major 

2 majors 

Philosophy of Religion 

1 or 2 majors 

1 major 

Christian Doctrine 

1 or 2 majors 

2 major 

Social Problems (Sociology) 

1 major 

1 major 

Religious Education 

1 major 

2 major 


1 major 

1 major 

Church Music 

2 minors 

1 minor 


1 major 

1 major, 1 minor 

Pastoral Theology 

1 major 

2 minors 

Public Speaking 

4 minors 

2 minors 


1 minor 

1 minor'° 

Additional minor changes occurred until 1937 when a stable curriculum 
emerged that lasted for several years. Its requirements are as follows: 
Of the twenty-seven majors necessary for graduation, nineteen majors are 
prescribed as basic courses, which each student is required to take, namely: 

Old Testament 
New Testament 
Church History 
Christian Doctrine 
Philosophy of Religion 
Sociology of Religion 
Religious Education 
Missions and History of Religion 

2 majors 

3 majors 
2 majors 
2 majors 
1 major 

1 major 

2 majors 
2 majors 

THE HAWK years: 1933-51 73 

Homiletics and Pastoral Theology: 

Homiletics 1 major 

Pastoral Theology 1 major 

Public Speaking 1 major 

Church Music 1 major 

A comprehensive written examination over the required work completed the 
requirement. The thesis had become optional.^' 

By 1949, when I returned to begin teaching, an odd arrangement prevailed. 
Each professor had a single required course, and the rest were elective. The 
comprehensive examination was no longer in existence — with the number of 
students having almost tripled the grading would have been horrendous. A 
thesis was no longer an option. Except for a dozen or so required courses, the 
students made their own curriculum. Although our first reaction is probably 
one of horror, actually this may not be as bad an arrangement as one might first 
believe it to be.^^ 

A new degree, the Bachelor of Religious Education (B.R.E.), was proposed 
and adopted in 1947. Professor Seneker's theoretical bias was seen as not 
meeting the needs of the church for practicing Christian educators. The B.R.E. 
was a kind of patchwork degree, and only one or two people actually received 
it.^^ Practitioners of Christian education were enlisted to help staff the degree, 
but it was discontinued in a few years when the Master of Religious Education 
was instituted in 1952.^ 

An addition to the B.D. degree was made in 1950-5 1 when Field Education 
became a degree requirement. This work was under the general direction of A. 
W. Martin with other faculty assisting in the supervisory process." 

Beyond the University 

The extension work of the School of Theology faculty was still a high priority 
during the 1930s and 1940s. The annual five-day Pastors' School continued 
yearly (except for one year during World War 11).*^ Later, in the early 1950s, 
a more formal school arose for non-seminary students often preparing for part- 
time pastoral work, sometimes for an affiliate relationship with the Annual 
Conference and usually not for ordination. There are several reasons why 
people go into the "supply" or "local pastoral" relationship. A practical one is 
that many small churches are not really able to support a fully trained pastor, 
and these local pastors therefore take up the slack. 

So far as the persons themselves are concerned, they are likely to be men or 
women in a second career, older, unwilling to spend three or more years 
receiving a seminary education. Such persons feel called to the set-apart 
ministry, and this is one way they can fulfill the requirements for admission to 


that form of ministry. Although the work fulfilHng these requirements can be 
done by correspondence, it is generally believed that much more can be learned 
from a two-weeks' concentrated course in a subject than can be acquired 
through self-study. In a real sense this work is not "beyond the university," for 
the local pastors often come with enthusiasm and consider themselves as 
alumni/ae of Southern Methodist University. No University credit is provided, 
however. A. W. Martin, Claus Rohlfs, and more recently Bert Affleck have 
been directors of the school.^^ 

An earlier and less formal continuing education event was the introduction 
in 1936 by Dean Hawk of Ministers' Week. The Fondren Lectures as a 
University event began in 1919, but in 1936 they were incorporated into 
Minister' s Week as the only lecture series available.^^ Eight years later a second 
lectureship came into being, established by Mrs. George L. Peyton (later Mrs. 
C. W. Hall) in memory of her husband as the Peyton Lectures on Preaching.^^ 
Then in 1946 the Jackson family established the Jackson Lectures on the Bible 
in memory of their parents Robert Malone and Ellie Jamison Jackson.™ Thus 
Ministers' Week came to include three lectureships and eventually, in the 
1970s, also a variety of seminars and workshops. 

Another outreach to the constituency of the School came through Dean 
Hawk's establishing of the Theological Circulating Library in 1938. Directed 
by Paul Root with student assistance, the Circulating Library offered books for 
clergy to read beyond their own libraries or ability to buy them. In 1943 the 
Library contained 892 books with almost 1,500 books circulated that year.^' 

Still another outreach to the clergy of the South Central Jurisdiction was the 
beginning of the Perkins School of Theology Journal in 1947. At first a kind of 
house organ with some articles, it later became a more serious theological 
journal and has published over the years many distinguished articles. 

These and other attempts to be in touch with its constituency led Walter N. 
Vernon to write in 1967: 

Perkins School of Theology is more deeply involved in the life of the 
churches than any other of the seminaries of the country, in the judgment 
of some who know this relationship at first hand. This situation augurs well 
for the future of both church and seminary, for they are dependent each on 
the other for strength and direction.^^ 

The Library 

Dallas Hall served as the site of the main library of SMU until 1939 when 
Fondren Library, the gift of the W. W. Fondren family of Houston, was 
completed." Perhaps the most obvious lack of the University at the time was 
its library facilities, and the impressive Fondren Library building fulfilled this 

THE HAWK years: 1933-51 75 

need. The per capita expenditure for books and library services, which had been 
disgracefully low, did not suddenly burgeon, but the library was at least on its 
way and changes did occur during the next years. But what about the facilities 
of Kirby Library, as the library of the School of Theology was usually called? 
In prospect of the new Fondren building, the Theology faculty voted in 1 936 
to keep a separate reading room and an active reserve in Kirby but to move the 
remainder of the books to the main building.^"* This continued to be the request 
of the Theology faculty until October 1940 (after the completion of Fondren). 
At that time Professor Seneker, chair of the Library Committee of the School 
of Theology, moved that the previous action be rescinded and, 
That the regular library be held intact in the various rooms provided in 
Kirby Hall as far as possible, except such volumes as in the judgment of 
the Professors of the various departments, or fields, should go to the 
Fondren Library for proper keeping and use." 

The faculty approved the motion with the understanding that additional first- 
floor space be made available in Kirby Hall for the library. In this fashion the 
Theology library remained intact and the way was prepared for the develop- 
ment of the magnificent library resources which became the basis of the 
Bridwell Library. 

Soon after this, Fred Gealy became chair of the faculty committee on the 
library. His committee tightened rules, and also stepped up the purchase of 
books so that by the time Bridwell Library came into existence in 1950-5 1, the 
total number of books had reached 39,699, and the budget for the year (Hawk's 
last) was $ 1 1 ,874.56.^"^ This, of course, did not begin to approach the later years 
when $ 1 00,000 or more became common for book expenditures (first in 1 964- 
65 when, because of special purchases, the total exceeded a half-million 
dollars)." Bridwell Library was on its way to the achievement of the distinction 
it now enjoys. 

Student Life 

As the University grew following World War II — up to 8,349 students 
including the evening school Dallas College in 1948 — so grew the School of 
Theology. In 1949 the Theology student body had grown to almost 300, 
including eleven women, with 1 1 1 of the total being new students.^* 

The student body was also more active, with considerable evidence of 
participation, for example, in intramural sports. At least two theologs became 
University student body president in a decade — Jack Wilkes in 1940^r^ and 
B. C. Goodwin ten years later, in 1950-51.^° Chapel continued to change its 
time of meeting, and became more student oriented.**' The spring banquet 
continued as a special yearly social event of a semi-formal nature.**" The Student 


Association of the School of Theology also became more active during this 

The student body continued to be international in flavor. One Chinese 
student, who returned to China in 1950, disappeared so far as his American 
friends were concerned, only to re-surface by writing to the Dean of the School 
of Theology at the close of the "Cultural Revolution" in the People's Republic 
of China to re-establish contact with his alma mater. D. J. Liu was a student in 
the late 1940s, and completed his M.A. degree in 1950.^"^ He suffered as most 
professors did during the Cultural Revolution, but since then has resumed his 
teaching of English in the University of North China in Chengdu, Szechuan 
Province. Through the contacts of Ken and Iweeta Mcintosh, who take many 
church groups to China, he has maintained a steady relationship with his friends 
in Dallas. 

Perhaps the most noteworthy student achievement during the Hawk years 
was the establishing of the Seminary Singers in 1 939. Previously Kate Wamick 
had directed male quartets, but under Dr. Fred Gealy the Singers grew and 
flourished during the 1940s.*^ It was at first a male chorus, but when the number 
of women students began to increase some twenty-five years later, it became 
a mixed chorus. The first year of the existence of the Singers also included a 
brief trip, which became an annual affair. The Singers' membership remained 
small for some years and only in the later years became the organization which 
students joined for fellowship whether they were good singers or not.^^ 

The usual problem of scheduling chapel persisted, as times for classes and 
a time for chapel always seemed to conflict. In 1935 it was at 8:30 a.m.^^ In 1938- 
39 chapel was held from 9:50 to 10: 10 a.m. with 10:00 classes ending at 1 1 :00 
and 1 1:05 classes ending at noon.^^ Four years later chapel was set for 9:35- 
10:00 A.M. with the first class commencing at 8:40 a.m.^^ In 1948 the time was 
changed to 8 :30 a.m. only during examinations. ^° Perhaps it is not surprising that 
students did not always take chapel seriously when it appeared to be an 
addendum to the daily schedule. 

SMU's School of Theology had been established as a school for the M.E. 
Church, South, west of the Mississippi. After Methodist unification in 1939, it 
became the theological school of the South Central Jurisdiction (the legal 
owner of Southern Methodist University). Its student body had never been 
completely homogeneous, but it remained largely male, and mostly from its 
own jurisdiction with Texas producing the largest number of its students. By 
1942 its 195 students represented sixty-six colleges and universities, and it was 
increasingly trying to serve the Hispanic interests of the Methodist Church (the 
name of the united church). But the school remained largely a "provincial" 
school, with both its roots and in its primary concern for the Southwest. Thus 

THE HAWK years: 1933-51 77 

it remained until the 1 950s, when at least in principle it became a more nearly 
world-wide institution. These comments are not meant to be pejorative, only 
to suggest that up to about 195 1 — the beginning of the Cuninggim deanship — 
its orientation was largely toward its principal constituency, the Southwest. 

Admission of Minorities 

The two principal minorities in Texas during the first half of the twentieth 
century were blacks (generally called Negroes) and Hispanics, mostly at that 
time Mexican- Americans or Mexicans from Mexico. Hispanics were admitted 
to the School of Theology from its beginning, and in 1 948 special arrangements 
were made by the Board of Missions to encourage work with the Rio Grande 
Conference (the Spanish-language conference in Texas and surrounding states). 
Ben O. Hill was the Board's representative, as we have seen; unfortunately he 
was the only person on the faculty at the time who spoke Spanish.^' 

Although the situation was quite different for black students, the process of 
their admission began early and proceeded slowly, with several arrangements 
for their engaging in class work over the years. It took almost thirty years for 
the process to be completed. The most common pattern in the early years was 
special classes.^' Meanwhile, occasional black speakers appeared on campus,^^ 
but by 1 940 an SMU poll indicated that only 17% of the students voting favored 
the admission of Negro students to SMU.'^'' By 1952 the percentage had grown 
to 45%.^^ Another plan of classes allowed black students to sit in class but not 
receive credit (for which none of the plans had made provision).^^ 

Then on 10 November 1950, Dean Hawk offered a resolution to the Board 
of Trustees that the policy be changed so that black students could be admitted 
to regular classes. The Board then passed the following resolution: 

The Board of Trustees of Southern Methodist University committed to the 
administration the matter of the admission of Negroes to Perkins School 
of Theology with the approval of the principle and with the direction that 
the administration be given power to act if, as and when it seemed to be 
timely and proper.^^ 

At the next faculty meeting in January 1 95 1 , the faculty passed this resolution: 

The faculty expressed its delight at the official recognition of Colored men 
as eligible for admission to Perkins School of Theology upon the same 
conditions as white students, and that two Colored men are thus enrolled 
for work during the winter quarter.'** 

The Campus commented on this first entry of black students in the School of 
Theology in its 6 January 195 1^^ issue with approval. The two students did not 
remain, however, and it was the fall of 1952, at the beginning of Merrimon 


Cuninggim's second year as Dean, that the first five students to graduate were 
enrolled. But an important milestone had been reached almost two years earlier, 
in the final year of Hawk' s administration, the decision to admit black students. 
It should be noted that this was prior to civil rights legislation, and therefore the 
School of Theology and Southern Methodist University had made what was 
then a courageous decision in the long road to equality of the races. 

John M. Moore 

One of the people who made a great contribution over an extended period to 
Southern Methodist University and its School of Theology is Bishop John M. 
Moore. Except for his time on the Board of Trustees, including eight years as 
chair (1932-38), Moore worked behind the scenes. He often assisted in the 
raising of money, but of equal or greater importance was his first-hand 
knowledge of what a university ought to be. He earned the Ph.D. degree at Yale 
University, and he pursued a year of study at German universities after he had 
completed the Yale requirements for the Ph.D. degree. All of this made him a 
major force in the exalted dreams and hopes for a great university and 
especially for the School of Theology in Dallas.'*"' 

This dream was bom while he was pastor of First Methodist Church, Dallas, 
1902-06. He advocated the founding of a medical college in Dallas as part of 
the Southwestern University in the hope that it would lead to a university in 
Dallas. (Later the medical college became a part of SMU until financial 
problems led to its closing. )'°' In his autobiography, Moore writes: 

I accompanied Dr. R. S. Hyer to see President David F. Houston of 
Washington University in St. Louis, a Trustee of the Rockefeller General 
Board, in 1910, on the possibility of a donation from that Board to a first- 
class Methodist educational institution in Dallas. He gave us encourage- 
ment. I urged by letter business friends in Dallas to act vigorously to get 
the university located in Dallas. I came from Nashville for the ceremony 
of the cornerstone laying of Dallas Hall. When in 1920 the deficit had to 
be guaranteed by twenty businessmen to enable the school to go on, under 
the influence of R. H. Shuttles, a close friend, a Trustee, and an ardent 
supporter of the university, I planned and opened the campaign for the 
necessary $1,000,000 endowment fund, and secured by personal effort 
$250,000 of it as a starter. '°- 

Bishop Moore not only helped save the school financially on several 
occasions; he also insisted on a quality school. He helped form the pattern of 
the University under the influence of the German universities where he had 
studied, insisting that a good school of theology must be developed, and he 
helped to implement this dream. 

THE HAWK years: 1933-51 79 

Reflecting on his life, he wrote in his 1948 autobiography: 

I have had two great predominant passions and objectives in my Church 
life: ( 1 ) The producing of an acceptable plan of Methodist Union, and (2) 
the establishment of an adequately endowed, thoroughly equipped, and 
prominent and ideally located School of Theology on the campus of 
Southern Methodist University."" 

He then indicates how unification had been achieved in 1 939 and how the gift 
of the Perkins family a few years earlier would make possible the realization 
of his other dream. 

He, like Bishops A. Frank Smith and Paul Martin, worked with Mr. and Mrs. 
Perkins in securing their gifts to establish Perkins School of Theology. As we 
shall see in the following chapter, it was he who almost single-handedly 
persuaded both the University officials and Mr. and Mrs. Perkins that the plans 
should be expanded from those which had been made to fit the northwest comer 
of the campus, and that instead the school should be enlarged and moved to the 
southwest comer, where it stands today. 

It may be that Moore's greatest contribution to SMU was what he stood for 
in regard to the uniting of knowledge and vital piety. """^ He was one of the few 
prominent pastors in the Southwest who had an advanced academic degree 
(Bishop Ivan Lee Holt was another). His insistence that Dallas needed a great 
university upheld Robert Hyer in his similar desire and kept the dream alive 
even when the academic leadership of the University was less than what it 
might have been. 

A. Frank Smith 

Unlike Moore, A. Frank Smith maintained a visible link with the University for 
many years. It began during his pastorate of the University Church in 1 9 1 6, and 
resumed when Moore retired as chair of the Board of Tmstees in 1938. It 
continued for twenty-two years with Bishop Smith as chair of the Board until 
November 1960. 

Smith is probably generally thought of as more a conciliator than a bold 
leader, but often his conciliatory efforts required bold leadership. During his 
early years as pastor of First Methodist Church, Houston, he and Jewish leaders 
established an inter-religious brotherhood banquet in Houston in the face of 
strong opposition of the Ku Klux Klan. They did much to re-establish the 
interracial harmony of the city.'"'' 

His service to the University included the significant part he played in 
securing the Perkins family's gift for the establishing of Perkins School of 
Theology.'"^ It was his combination of both conciliation and strength that 


provided the leadership that SMU often needed. Norman Spellmann, in his 
definitive biography of the Bishop, says this: 

As chairman of the board of trustees of Southern Methodist University, 
Bishop Smith gave such leadership in times of crisis that he became a 
symbol of both conciliation and strength. Administrators praised him for 
the depth of his understanding, the certainty of his support, and the skill of 
his diplomacy. "Let me tell you again how much I appreciate having you 
as the one to head up this organization," President Lee wrote to Smith in 
1943. "You know how to take things, make them go smoothly, and direct 
the board' s thinking so that there is no waste of time in useless argument. "'^ 

Two incidents may be cited. One was his handling of the objections to blacks' 
living in the dormitory and especially to two of them having white roommates, 
to be discussed later. '"^ Another was his handling of the publication by a 
respected English professor, John O. Beaty, of a clearly anti-Semitic book in 
1951, The Iron Curtain over America. Joining in the paranoid pursuit of 
communists in the United States, Beaty attacked even the University. Spellmann 
gives in detail Bishop Smith's handling of this situation: the appointment of a 
wise committee to handle the matter, his speaking to the issue but in a 
conciliatory matter, and in general the way Smith's wisdom avoided what 
could have become a divisive issue. '°^ The committee reported to the Board in 
May 1954, as follows: 

1 . The material facts do not bear out the allegation made by Doctor Beaty 
in his pamphlets. 

2. It is deplorable that Doctor Beaty, an employee of the University, 
failed to present his allegations to the administrative officers. . . . Instead, 
he presented his allegations to the students, patrons, and the press. "° 

Perhaps it is not coincidental that it was this same board meeting which 
elected Willis Tate, who did so much to advance the cause of freedom on the 
SMU campus, as President of the University. 


Building the New Quadrangle: 

When old Kirby Hall was occupied in the fall of 1924, it seemed (and actually 
was) quite commodious in contrast to the previously crowded quarters of the 
School of Theology at the east end of the third floor of Dallas Hall. In 1924 the 
student body was small (under 100); the library could be accommodated in one 
end of the second floor of Kirby Hall, and the administration and faculty were 
provided with adequate office facilities. Classrooms and the chapel, on the west 
end of the second floor, completed the arrangements for housing the School of 

These conditions prevailed for more than a decade. There was, of course, a 
lack of adequate facilities for housing married students. After the demise of 
Asbury Hall at the comer of Rosedale and Airline, only Marvin and Pierce Halls 
remained — the "Beehive" — and these two wooden buildings accommodated 
fewer than twenty couples. Single students lived in the university's dormitory 
for men, Atkins Hall (now Clements Hall, an office-classroom building) along 
with the chemistry laboratory in the basement. 

When I was a student in 1937-40, I was not aware of any deprivation in 
facilities. Some of the school's backers did not feel that way, however. Bishop 
John J. Moore writes following the Perkins family's gift in 1945: "Then one 
February day in 1945, Mr. and Mrs. J. J. Perkins of Wichita Falls, by a rare 
munificent and magnificent gift, made possible the complete fulfillment of my 
dream and yearning hope of twenty-five years."' Part of his dream was for 
adequate facilities. Moore knew that buildings alone do not make a school but 
that such facilities do make a great school possible. 

Financing the School of Theology 

SMU's School of Theology had never been adequately financed. Although the 
general church contributed to it, many of SMU's funds could not be used for 
the School of Theology. There were some endowment funds — for example, the 
$85,000 given by Mrs. Emma Lehman, which had been used for the endow- 
ment of a chair in Christian Doctrine. There were gifts from churches and from 
individuals, but no large gift had been provided. 



The school had been mn economically, with inadequate salaries for its 
faculty. Acting Dean Kilgore had been a good financial manager, and Dean 
Hawk proved to be even better. There was a reserve fund for five years running, 
for example, from 1933 to 1938, a total of $25,593 for this period.^ Dean Hawk 
was especially good at raising funds (though in relatively small amounts) for 
scholarships, loan funds, and the like.'' What was lacking was a major gift which 
would provide a sounder basis for operating the school and make possible the 
expansion of program and faculty to fit the growing student body. A major 
financial breakthrough seemed the only way the School was likely to have this 
kind of financial undergirding. 

In a letter to Bishop A. Frank Smith, chair of the Board of Trustees, dated 20 
September 1940, Dean Hawk laid out the financial situation of the school: 

As you know, we do not share in the general Endowment of the University. 
Also, during recent years we have had no part in the contributions made 
by the various Annual Conferences. Some years ago the contributions 
coming from the Annual Conferences came to the School of Theology. For 
example, the Southwest Texas Conference directed its entire amount to the 
Seminary. Conditions were so bad on the campus in the matter of the 
general University that President Selecman asked that this amount be 
turned over to the University and this was done. The only exception we 
have is the small amount, some $350.00 or $400.00, which comes from the 
Northwest Texas Conference. This has continued to be directed to the 
School of Theology. 

It seems to me that the Board of Trustees is going to be forced to rethink 
the whole financial program of the Seminary. For example, the School of 
Theology is the only School on the campus that is charged with an 
overhead and at the same time it is the only school that has provided its 
building. We pay annually $4,000.00. It is the only School which does not 
share in the Endowment Fund of the University other than the small 
amounts which have been specifically directed to ministerial training. It is 
the only School that is practically eliminated from Conference support. 
We are facing a situation which promises to be permanent. Of course, we 
have a set-up, so far as General Benevolences are concerned, for a 
quadrennium. There will be very little disposition on the part of a General 
Conference to raise the amount for theological education. Of course, after 
the Annual Conferences make their response to the Service Scholarship 
Appeal, we can go to the various District Conferences and the larger 
churches. But this is an endless matter and must be carried on from year 
to year. There is nothing permanent about it, and we shall not project the 
budget on such uncertainty.'' 

BUILDING THE NEW quadrangle: 1944-51 83 

The Bishop's response contained these words: 

I feel that the most urgent claim resting upon the Church in this Jurisdiction 
is that of the School of Theology, and I want us by all means possible to 
enlist our people publicly and privately in its support.^ 

A number of campaigns for endowing the School of Theology had been 
undertaken over the years but none had been successful. There was another 
begun in 1944,^ but it too appeared to be a failure — at least until Joe and Lois 
Perkins decided to direct their money to the School of Theology. 

Joe and Lois Perkins 

Who were Joe and Lois Perkins? Joe J. Perkins was bom in Lamar County, 
Texas, in 1874. After moving first to Montague, later to Bowie, he setded in 
Decatur, a small town, where he opened a store. In 1910 he moved to Wichita 
Falls, where he began to expand his business interests to include, among others, 
the oil industry and banking. He made a substantial fortune, especially in oil, 
and spent many years seeking ways of putting his money to good use. 

Lois Craddock Perkins was a student at Southwestern University at the same 
time as A. Frank Smith (later a bishop) and his future wife Bess were there. She 
was a teacher when she met Mr. Perkins, a devout Christian, and was 
influential, as he always said, in helping her husband use his money wisely and 

Together in Wichita Falls, they were active members of First Methodist 
Church and also active in the higher echelons of the Methodist Church. They 
were not nominal but rather devoted Christians and members of the church, and 
contributed to its total welfare, not just its finances. 

Together they selected charitable, especially Methodist, institutions to 
receive their substantial gifts — Southwestern University, the Methodist Home 
in Waco, Methodist Hospital in Dallas, the North Texas Conference Pension 
Fund, and many others — and especially Southern Methodist University. 

Mr. Perkins was elected to the Board of Trustees of SMU in 1928, and 
attended his first meeting of the Board on March 20.^ At his first meeting the 
Board gave attention to the special needs of the School of Theology and spoke 
of needing $1,000,000.'' Earlier than this, in 1920, Mr. Perkins had made a 
substantial gift to the University in the form of an endowed professorship which 
at that time required only $50,000.'° 

An important milestone took place in 1938 when Paul Martin became pastor 
of First Methodist Church of Wichita Falls. Martin had already served for three 
years as Presiding Elder (District Superintendent) of the Wichita Falls district, 
and so he was no stranger when he became pastor. Thus began a deep and 
abiding friendship between Paul and Mildred Martin and Joe and Lois Perkins, 


a friendship which in part led to the Perkins family's gift to the School of 

Of all the Perkins family's philanthropy, the most far-reaching gift was to the 
School of Theology which now bears their name, the Perkins School of 
Theology of Southern Methodist University. The Perkins name is also honored 
at SMU in other ways, however. There is the Perkins Hall of Administration, 
the Joe Perkins Natatorium, and — in the Perkins School of Theology quad- 
rangle — Perkins Chapel, Lois Perkins Auditorium of Selecman Hall, and the 
S. B. Perkins Dormitory (named after Mr. Perkins's brother whose activity at 
SMU pre-dated his own). The gift to the School of Theology was in the words 
of Bishop John M. Moore a "munificent and magnificent gift,"'^ at that time 
unusual if not unique in the annals of theological schools. When asked why he 
chose the School of Theology for his major gift, he responded, "Because, I 
believe, the future will be determined by the ministry of the church."'^ 

The Perkins Gift 

The records indicate that no single individual was fully responsible for the 
Perkins family's directing their money toward SMU's School of Theology. As 
we have seen, discussion of the School's need for major endowment went on 
for many years and was a topic for Board of Trustees discussion during Mr. 
Perkins's first term on the Board.'" As we have also seen, Dean Hawk was 
effective in securing gifts for scholarship and loan funds. Leadership of the 
School, however, especially Bishops John M. Moore and A. Frank Smith, 
realized that a major gift was necessary if the School were to reach its 
potential. '^ A third person in the negotiations was Paul E. Martin (later a bishop) 
whose influence on Mr. and Mrs. Perkins was great and without whose 
approval the gifts would not have been made. Mr. Perkins's remark is well- 
known that if the gift helped to produce one more Paul and Mildred Martin, it 
would be worthwhile for it to have been made. 

Bishop A. Frank Smith seems undoubtedly to have been the chief negotiator, 
however. Smith' s recollection is that the first direct discussion with Mr. Perkins 
on his making such a gift took place in 1944. The Board of Trustees that year 
proposed a financial campaign to raise $5,000,000 for endowment for the 
University.'^ Mr. Perkins immediately promised $50,000 with no other offers 
being immediately forthcoming. Following this, Smith recalls that he talked 
with Mr. Perkins about giving the $ 1 ,000,000 that Bishop Moore had proposed 
to raise for the School of Theology. '^ Bishop Smith continued to write to Mr. 
Perkins over the next months and suggested that the school be given the Perkins 
name if he were to make this kind of gift. Mr. Perkins at first objected but later 
relented after Bishop Smith wrote: 

BUILDING THE >fEw quadrangle: 1944-51 85 

It will mean something, Mr. Perkins. You exemplify in your life the very 
things that the school of theology stands for. The Perkins men and women 
will be all over the church, and the Perkins name will represent what you 
believe in.'* 

In the meantime Smith and Umphrey Lee had asked architect Mark Lemmon 
to prepare a sketch of three additional buildings — two dormitories and a 
chapel — to complement Kirby Hall on the northwest comer of the campus. 

Bishop Smith, with a flair for the appropriate, decided that it would be better 
to wait to show Mr. and Mrs. Perkins the sketch at the Jurisdictional Conference 
meeting in Tulsa, Oklahoma, in June. Bishop Paul Martin describes the event 
which transpired in these simple words: 

Then the climax was reached on June 13, 1944, in a hotel room in Tulsa 
during the Jurisdictional Conference when Mr. and Mrs. Perkins told a 
small group consisting of President Umphrey Lee, Bishop A. Frank Smith, 
and Mildred [Bishop Martin's wife] and me, that the matter of building a 
home for the School of Theology which had been under discussion for 
some time was definitely to come into being. '^ 

The formal announcement of the gift was made at the Board of Trustees 
meeting on 6 February 1945.*° Bishop Paul Martin then moved the changing of 
the name of the school to Perkins School of Theology. "It was a high and holy 
hour," Bishop Smith later declared. "No such gift was ever made to a school of 
theology in the South.""' The public announcement was made that evening at 
a special convocation during Ministers' Week, in McFarlin Auditorium, and on 
that occasion Mr. Perkins gave credit to Bishop Smith for having the idea and 
guiding the decision. 

The legal document concerning the gift begins with these words: 

Actuated by the belief that the future Peace of the World is dependent upon 
the work and influence of all the Churches of all Peoples and of all Nations, 
and knowing that there is not now an adequate number of Ministers in any 
of the Churches, and especially in the Methodist Churches, and desiring to 
do all we can toward relieving this crisis, we, J. J. Perkins and wife, Lois 
Perkins, are creating the Perkins Endowment Fund for the purpose of 
developing and enlarging the School of Theology of Southern Methodist 
University at Dallas, Texas in the hope that it will become one of the really 
great Theological Schools of our Nation.-' 

The original gift was $1,350,000, for building and endowment. During the 
years before the buildings were completed, the Perkinses increased the total on 
several occasions. The most important of these followed the decision to move 
the quadrangle from the northwest to the southwest comer of the campus. In the 


proposal of this change, the chief person responsible was Bishop John M. 

The process leading to the relocating of the quadrangle began in the spring 
of 1947, when Bishop Moore first proposed to Mr. Perkins and Bishop Smith 
the need for a larger space than the land adjacent to old Kirby Hall. At first Mr. 
Perkins was cool to the idea, but Bishop Moore persisted. He drew up a tentative 
plan for the building on the new site. The location of the buildings in Bishop 
Moore's plan was rather like the final plan, except that his plan opened to the 
south, with the space beginning farther north than the actual location."^ 

In a long hand- written letter to Bishop Moore dated 14 September 1947, 
Bishop Smith says in effect that the expectation from Mr. Perkins at first had 
not been great enough when the plans called for adding to the old Kirby Hall 
quadrangle. Since then Mr. and Mrs. Perkins had expressed the intention of 
giving more to the project, which Bishop Smith as one of the trustees of the 
Perkins Foundations believed they could afford to do. He goes on to write, "I 
am convinced that we will make the change — but I want it to be done in proper 
fashion. I also want the Perkins to catch the vision of the possibilities of the 

Bishop Moore acknowledges the letter with "great joy and exultation," and 
commends Bishop Smith on what he had done in guiding the Perkinses in the 
project. "You have rendered a service that far exceeds anything the rest of us 
have done or could have done."-^ 

In the meantime Bishop Smith had conferred with President Lee and Dean 
Hawk about the plan, and Bishop Paul Martin had encouraged the Perkinses to 
approve Bishop Moore's proposal. Bishop Smith waited until he met the 
Perkinses at the Methodist Ecumenical Conference which convened in Spring- 
field, Massachusetts, on 24 September 1947. The story is told — and I think it 
is a true one — that the Perkinses had been taken to New Haven, Connecticut, 
to see the quadrangle of Yale Divinity School, also Georgian in design, and that 
Mr. Perkins had said, "That's what we want." In any case Bishop Smith could 
write in his journal for 27 September 1947, after he had left the Conference 
early: "Talked to Mr. Perkins just before starting to train. He is enthusiastic 
about the enlarged program for the School of Theology."^^ 

On the following October 10, the Committee on the School of Theology 
agreed to recommend the larger site to the Board of Trustees. "^^ The Board met 
on October 3 1 and authorized the relocation of the School of Theology to the 
new area of the campus."^ Mr. Perkins wrote to Bishop Smith after the ground- 
breaking ceremonies saying he did not have a fourth building to name. That 
building became a reality a short time later by an additional gift from the 
Perkinses of $450,000, and the building was named for Bishop A. Frank Smith. 


The new site and the buildings it would accommodate required additional 
gifts. The original gift was $ 1 ,350,000, with Bridwell' s $500,000 for the library 
and the assets of Kirby Hall over and above this figure. The total Perkins gift 
had been increased gradually, and the amount given at the dedication of the 
buildings in 1951 announced as $2,000,000 for buildings and $3,000,000 for 
endowment."^'' The projected amount for the future was widely declared to be 
some $10,000,000 when the oil was sold from the oil runs presented. In 1988 
information from the business office indicated that the market value of the 
Perkins assets was then in excess of $12,000,000.^° 

There had been wide speculation as to what school in the university should 
receive the use of the northwest comer of the campus. At one time Bishop Smith 
suggested it might be turned into a graduate school quadrangle. The School of 
Business Administration was also a possible occupant. But it was the School 
of Law that was actually given a home on that spot. And eventually a remodeled 
and renamed Kirby Hall (now Florence Hall), a main law school building, and 
one dormitory were built. Later, the magnificent Underwood Law Library was 
built, completing the Law School quadrangle. 

Joseph Sterling Bridwell and Margaret Bridwell Bowdle 

The other significant gift was for the library, with J. S. Bridwell and his 
daughter Margaret Bridwell Bowdle, also from Wichita Falls, as donors. The 
original gift was $250,000, later increased by another $250,000 to $500,000.^' 
Subsequent gifts from the Bridwell Foundation, for the enlargement of the 
building in 1 962 and for the purchase of rare collections of books such as the 
Bridwell-DeBellis Collection of Incunabula (the earliest printed books), and a 
still later gift for the redesigning of the building, have added substantially to the 
original amount. 

Mr. Bridwell was also active in the petroleum industry. As Mary Basham 
Loggie put it: 

He felt that each generation held only a life-time interest in the great range 
of natural resources available to it and that the responsibility of each 
generation was to expend their resources sparingly and wisely and with 
due regard for future inheritance.'*'^ 

The School of Theology Quadrangle 

The seven buildings of the new Perkins School of Theology quadrangle were 
occupied on several dates beginning in the fall of 1950. At the center of the 
group of buildings was Perkins Chapel, a Georgian gem with such details as 
curving staircases leading up to the balcony and down to the bride's room. Both 
staircases had hand-carved railings.^^ To the left and in front of the chapel was 


Kirby Hall, in a new building but still bearing the name of Harper and Annie 
Kirby. Across the quadrangle was Bridwell Library, which was later enlarged 
(1973) and still later (1988) redesigned for greater library efficiency and 

Behind the chapel were four dormitories — Hawk Hall, named for Dean 
Eugene B. Hawk, for married students with children; Martin Hall, named for 
Bishop Paul Martin, for married students without children, S. B. Perkins Hall, 
named for Mr. Perkins's brother, and Smith Hall, named for Bishop A. Frank 
Smith, the latter two being dormitories for single students. Still later a third 
apartment house was buih for the University through a federal loan and named 
Moore Hall for Bishop John M. Moore. Although a University building, it has 
always had a preponderance of theology student residents, and is like Martin 
Hall a building of efficiency apartments. 

The buildings were dedicated during Ministers' Week of February 1951. The 
chapel was completed a few months after the dedication. As the faculty and 
administration began to expand under the deanship of Merrimon Cuninggim, 
Kirby Hall was soon inadequate for classroom and office space, and at that 
point, in 195 1 , the Perkinses gave the additional money for building Selecman 
Hall (with faculty offices and classrooms) with its Lois Perkins Auditorium. 
The latter has proved to be one of the most versatile and most used rooms in the 
quadrangle. Selecman Hall was named for the former President of Southern 
Methodist University, Charles C. Selecman. 

Mrs. George L. Peyton gave $25,000 for the installation of the organ in 
Perkins Chapel.'"* 

The Transformation of Perkins School of Theology 

It is fair to say that the new quadrangle was the beginning of the transformation 
of Perkins School of Theology. When Merrimon Cuninggim took over as 
Dean-designate in early 195 1, his fu-st job was the enlargement of the faculty 
to take care of the increased student enrollment which had reached almost 400 
by that time.-^^ Cuninggim was essentially an educator and took advantage of 
the new facilities to begin the process of building a first-class institution for 
theological education. We have said that buildings do not make a university (or 
any kind of instimtion of higher education), but without buildings and other 
resources it is difficuh if not impossible to build a first-class educational 
instimtion. Bringing Perkins School of Theology to wide recognition as being 
that kind of institution was Dean Cuninggim' s task. 

In 1985, 1 wrote these words for the fortieth anniversary of the giving of the 
Perkins name to the School of Theology: 

Joe and Lois Perkins need no monument to attest to their greatness, but 


they have one which provides the material basis for the legacy which they 
have provided for theological education and for the United Methodist 
Church as a whole. The Perkins Story did not end with the end of their lives 
on earth; it goes on, and will go on through unknown members of 
generations of clergy, musicians, scholars and teachers, and lay people 
who are touched by the teaching ministry of Perkins School of Theology. 
For the Perkins, and for all those who have provided the rich legacy of piety 
and learning at Perkins School of Theology, we give thanks.^^ 


The Cuninggim Years: 

When Merrimon Cuninggim officially took office as Dean of Perkins School 
of Theology on 1 September 1 95 1 , the school was still mainly oriented to its 
own area, the South Central Jurisdiction of the Methodist Church, and the 
southern part of that jurisdiction (not including Kansas and Nebraska). Its 
student body had grown almost to its maximum size of 400 — with fourteen full- 
time faculty members! It had always welcomed international students in its 
student body, many of whom became leaders in their own countries, and some 
students came from outside the Jurisdiction, consisting of Texas, Louisiana, 
Arkansas, Oklahoma, Kansas, Nebraska and New Mexico. 

It had never been so inadequate a theological school as some of the new 
Cuninggim faculty tended to think. According to one faculty member when I 
came back to teach in 1949, it was not as good a school as it had been when I 
was a student in the later 1930s. He was probably right, if for no other reason 
than the fact that the faculty teaching load was horrendous. Such a student- 
faculty ratio would militate against quality education regardless of what other 
factors were involved. 

Yet the school was ready to reach toward greatness. It had a rich heritage, 
with a small faculty who in my experience were by and large good teachers — 
but not authors of books. To be sure, the dream that Robert Hyer, John B. 
Moore, and Frank Seay had for SMU's School of Theology had not been fully 
realized. The influence of the school, nevertheless, between 1915 and 1951 — 
only thirty-six years — had been considerable. 

During the Hawk administration of eighteen years, a financial base had 
developed for the immediate future. The cornerstone of this base was the 
magnificent gift of the Perkins and the Bridwell families for both buildings and 
endowment. Much of it was in the form of smaller gifts for scholarship, but 
several other substantial gifts were in place. Ruel G. Gilbert of St. Petersburg, 
Florida, gave almost $90,000 in 1 946, the Nicholsons of East Texas had made 
a substantial gift to both SMU and Perkins which was not yet available, and the 
Crosbys of New Mexico had done likewise. So also was the gift of Mrs. Annie 
B. Hughey not yet available to the library. 



Perkins School of Theology now had the buildings and the endowment to 
implement its continuing desire to become a first-class seminary. And Merrimon 
Cuninggim was eminently qualified to implement this dream. 

Who Was Merrimon Cuninggim?^ 

Merrimon Cuninggim, Dean of Perkins School of Theology from 195 1 to 1960, 
brought impressive Methodist and academic credentials to the post. Bom in 
1911, he had spent four years in Dallas, from 1917 to 1921, while his father, J. 
L. Cuninggim, was professor of what at first was called Religious Pedagogy, 
later Religious Education, at SMU's School of Theology. His years from ages 
six to ten were spent near the SMU campus where he could run in and out of 
his father's office in Dallas Hall. Dr. Cuninggim left Dallas in 1921, and, after 
a period as President of Scarritt Bible and Training School in Kansas City, he 
became President in 1924 of Scarritt College in Nashville, Tennessee, where 
he remained until he retired in 1943. (He died seven years later in 1950.) Most 
of J. L. Cuninggim' s career was spent either in an educational institution or at 
the General Sunday School Board of the M. E. Church, South, also in Nashville. 
For a brief period, he was a pastor and a district superintendent. 

The younger Cuninggim' s academic preparation carried its own sterling 
imprint: an A.B. from Vanderbilt (1931), M.A. from Duke (1933), A.B. and 
diploma in theology from Oxford (1935 and 1936), B.D. (1939) and Ph.D. 
(1941) from Yale. His doctoral dissertation was published in 1947 by Yale 
University Press as The College Seeks Religion. He was a Rhodes scholar at 
Oxford for three years; while in England he was British intercollegiate tennis 
champion and was a Wimbledon tennis contender. Although an educator first 
of all, he was also an ordained Methodist clergyman. 

Before coming to SMU, he had been director of religious activities at Duke 
(1936-38), and had taught religion at Emory and Henry (1941^2) and 
Dennison College (1942^W). Dean Cuninggim served as a Navy chaplain on 
the battleship Tennessee (194 4 ■1 6). Following his chaplaincy he taught at 
Pomona College in Claremont, California (1946-51), and served as chaplain 
for the Associated Colleges of Claremont (1948-50). 

Merrimon married Annie Whitty Daniel in 1939, and she became a partner 
with him, especially by her work at Perkins with faculty and students' wives 
during his deanship. She also worked indefatigably on various community 
enterprises, and became a national leader in some of these causes. The 
Cuninggim home during their years at Perkins was a center of social activities 
for the seminary community, for the larger community, and for their three 
children, Jessica Lee, Penelope Ann, and Margaret Merrimon (known as 

THE CUNINGGIM YEARS: 1 95 1-60 93 

Merrimon Cuninggim was President Lee's choice to be Dean of Perkins 
School of Theology, and so far as I can find, solely his choice. The faculty (of 
which I became a member in 1949) was not consulted, and apparently neither 
was Dean Hawk. A story may illustrate this statement. Dean Hawk was said to 
have had another candidate in mind to succeed him as Dean when Hawk retired 
in 1952, and had even talked with his friend about the prospects. The story goes 
that, when Hawk saw this man on a train, the friend said, "I thought I was going 
to be your successor at Perkins." To Hawk's surprise, the friend told him of 
Cuninggim' s appointment. 

Lee had obviously consulted other people, and probably more was known 
across academe than was known in Dallas. Lee, by and large, made decisions 
carefully. But the appointment was his, and for a very specific reason. Lee 
wanted an educator, not a clergyman-tumed-educator as the previous deans had 
been. Lee's intention was that the new buildings and the new endowment be 
used to develop a first-class school of theology, and all the signs pointed to 
Cuninggim as the person within the Methodist Church who could make this 
transition most expeditiously. It was not, as I have already noted, that Perkins 
was not a good school; Lee, however, believed that only an educator could help 
realize its potential. 

The faculty first met Cuninggim in the spring of 1951, just a few months 
before he took over as Dean. (Hawk was continued as Vice-President of the 
University for one additional year.) I remember almost the exact spot where I 
first met him — out-of-doors, between Kirby and Martin Halls. 

Merrimon Cuninggim' s distinguished academic background, his relation- 
ship to the Methodist Church, his knowledge of the national and international 
world of theological scholarship, and his entrepreneurial nature led to the 
transformation of Perkins School of Theology into a school widely known and 
a theological force of considerable significance. 

A Change of Presidents 

Umphrey Lee, on his doctor's advice, resigned as President of SMU, effective 
as of 1 1 May 1954. Bishop A. Frank Smith, chair of the Board of Trustees, 
immediately appointed a committee to seek a successor to Lee. In the mean- 
time, Willis M. Tate, Vice-President of the University, and Hemphill Hosford, 
Vice-President and Provost, shared the responsibility as acting president.- 

Lee had done a remarkable job as President (as we saw in a previous chapter). 
His chief concern had been to improve the academic life of the University, but 
in doing this job he also brought to the campus money for new buildings, 
increased the endowment, and managed to please both town (the city of Dallas) 
and gown (academe) in a most extraordinary way. The tribute to Lee at the 


Board of Trustees meeting on 30 March 1954, contains these words: "Seldom 
has the head of any school been so admired and loved by all factors involved. 
Time magazine has called him 'the first citizen of Dallas'."^ 

The Board recognized the need for an appointment as soon as possible, and 
therefore the committee set to work quickly to examine the possibilities. They 
set up six criteria: the President should be a Methodist; have an appeal for young 
people; be enthusiastically acceptable to the alumni; have the capacity to 
become a leading citizen of Dallas; be someone whose educational accom- 
plishments made him at home with the faculty; and be young, strong, healthy, 
and vigorous."* 

Their choice came from inside the ranks of the University, Willis M. Tate, 
who was named President at the Board meeting on 6 May 1954.'' Tate had been 
a student at SMU, having received his B.A. degree in 1931 and his M.A. in 
1935. He was a football regular during his undergraduate days and played in 
SMU's appearance in the Rose Bowl.^ Tate had been a member of the SMU 
staff and had also taught since 1945, first as Assistant Dean of Students^ and 
later as Dean of Students . In 1 950 he was made Vice-President of Development 
and Public Relations,** a post which he held until Lee' s resignation. When Tate 
became President, he was writing his Ph.D. dissertation; Bishop Smith advised 
him to cease work on his dissertation, and Tate followed the advice. 

During his presidency of more than twenty years, the University continued 
to make strides academically, to secure additional buildings, and to increase its 
endowment. Although this account concerns only one school of the University 
which he headed, a few remarks about Tate's presidency seem appropriate. 
Introducing a book of President Tate's speeches, Marshall Terry affirms Tate' s 
conscious support of the two strains of SMU's history: the "idea of a liberal arts 
oriented university whose every graduate would participate in a core curricu- 
lum of the humanities" and "the idea of a university whose chief aim was 'to 
serve society,' especially through the establishment of strong professional 
schools."^ Terry observed that neither Tate nor the rest of the University quite 
knew how to bridge the two strains of development. In any case, Perkins School 
of Theology was one of its professional schools "to serve society" — more 
specifically the church in general and the Methodist Church in particular. 

Perhaps the greatest contribution of Tate to SMU, however, and this included 
Perkins School of Theology, was his active devotion to freedom of all kinds — 
specifically, to academic freedom (in the classroom) and to a larger university 
freedom having to do with who could speak on campus, what faculty could do 
and say outside the classroom, and so on. This aspect of his contribution was 
tested early, when in 1954 he had to deal with Professor John O. Beaty's anti- 
Semitism and his attacks on SMU as being "soft" on Communism. 

THE cuNiNGGiM years: 1951-60 95 

Beaty was not discharged, as many thought he should be, and I suspect that 
academic privilege had been sufficiently breached that he could have been. But, 
as we shall see in more detail later, the charges were investigated concerning 
the University, and the incident allowed to die for want of a more dramatic 

This was only the first of a long series of incidents, including the student 
unrest of the 1960s and 1970s, with which Tate had to deal. His approach to a 
Dallas business community always suspicious of what was happening on the 
University campus proceeded in this way: if one believed in free enterprise in 
the economic realm, one also had to believe in the free enterprise of ideas. His 
power of persuasion prevailed enough times that the business community 
continued its support of the University. In 1965, the American Association of 
University Professors conferred upon him the coveted Meiklejohn Award for 
support of academic freedom." 

Tate did not always understand what was happening at Perkins under 
Merrimon Cuninggim, and he constantly wrestled with budget proposals from 
Perkins School of Theology whose anticipated expenses exceeded projected 
income. But he did not hold the reins too tightly, and in the integration crisis, 
which we will consider later, gave Cuninggim his full support.'" 

Faculty Additions 

The first need to which Cuninggim addressed himself as Dean was the faculty. 
The student body had grown to almost 400, but the regular faculty remained at 
about the same size as when half that many students were enrolled. The core 
faculty of the 1920s and 1930s remained: Seneker, Goodloe, Hicks, Davis, 
Carlyon, and Gealy.'^ Four additions had been made to this original group: A. 
W. Martin, Earl Marlatt, Thomas H. Marsh, and William Warren Sweet. '"^ 
George C. Baker had come to the University in 1949 as chaplain with a joint 
appointment in Homiletics, and Howard Grimes came the same year in 
Religious Education. '"^ William A. Irwin came in 1 950 to teach Old Testament. 
Albert Outler was persuaded to come to Perkins by Dean-designate Merrimon 
Cuninggim in the winter of 1951. He left his prestigious post as the Timothy 
Dwight Professor of Theology at Yale Divinity School to come to Perkins in 
the summer of 1951.'^ 

A word should be said at this point concerning Albert Outler. His joining the 
Perkins faculty from Yale Divinity School was not only significant substan- 
tively: his presence added one of the finest academic and theological minds of 
the century to Perkins, SMU, and the Southwest. His coming was also 
important symbolically: it symbolized the coming of age of Perkins School of 
Theology. Theologians throughout the world could no longer ignore Perkins 


after Albert Outler chose to move from Yale to Perkins. 

His contributions to the academic life of both Perkins and the entire 
University can hardly be measured. His participation in the ecumenical 
movement, including Vatican Council n, was important not only for that 
movement but also for the quality of Perkins life and its becoming known 
throughout the world-wide church. During the later years of his academic 
career, his main work was with the John Wesley corpus of work, especially the 
sermons. His determination that Mr. Wesley would be recognized not only as 
an evangelizing preacher, but also as an able theologian, and the care with 
which he edited the sermons, may well turn out to be Albert Outler' s most 
lasting contributions to the church. '^ 

Decherd Turner began his long career as librarian in 1950,^* a fact which led 
to the development of a major theological library. 

Not including Turner, who later did some teaching, this adds up to fourteen 
permanent members of the faculty, two of whom (Baker and Sweet) had other 

This group was supplemented by eleven visiting faculty who taught one or 
more courses during the academic year of 1951-52. These included W. B. 
Mahan, Ben O. Hill, Marshall Steel, Rabbi David Lefkowitz, Edmund H. 
Steelman, A. W. Wasson, Allen Lamar Cooper, Clyde L. Manschreck, Robert 
E. Goodrich, Jr., and Mary Fisher Floyd.'^ Six of the eleven were either full- 
time in the undergraduate school or pastor or rabbi of a church or synagogue. 

Faculty Participation 

One of the changes which Cuninggim introduced into the procedure of 
operating the school was more faculty participation in decision making. This 
included visits by prospective faculty, with full opportunity for faculty mem- 
bers and some students to interview the person, and later a vote by the faculty 
on whether to recommend that the Dean present the name of the prospect to the 
President. The President, in turn, if he approved, made the recommendation to 
the Board of Trustees for their confirmation. Early on in the process, the faculty 
voted to extend the interview time to three days.^" 

New Faculty: 1952-53. William Warren Sweet retired in 1952, but three 
full-time faculty were added — those who had been interviewed during 
Cuninggim' s first year as Dean: Edward C. Hobbs in New Testament, Marvin 
Judy in Church Administration and Field Work, and Joseph W. Mathews in 
Christian Ethics. Hobbs (an Episcopalian) was one of the first non-Methodists 
to be appointed to a full-time teaching position. Judy had been an active 
participant in the St. Louis Conference in Missouri, and later was recognized 
as one of the leaders of the Town and Country movement in the church. 

THE cuNiNGGiM years: 1951-60 97 

Mathews was a unique character who liked to shock students out of their 
complacency and made a strong impression on the school in the few years that 
he taught at Perkins."' 

The Dean also increased the visiting faculty for 1952-53, to sixteen. These 
included, in addition to those who remained from the previous year, E. Ahmad- 
Shah, William M. Elliott, Paul B. Kern, Charles T. Thrift, and Lance Webb 
(later a bishop). For the summer only, Philip H. Ashby, John L. Casteel, Floyd 
V. Filson, Robert E. Fitch, Paul Hutchinson, and Douglas Jackson joined the 

During the academic year, a number of invitations were issued to established 
faculty in other institutions and were declined. The faculty showed enough 
concern about this to discuss the matter in one of its meetings.^^ No definitive 
answers were given. Perhaps the reason was that Perkins still did not have the 
stature in theological education to lure older faculty to its ranks, Albert Outler, 
of course, being an exception. In future years the situation was somewhat 
different, but what is more significant, I think, is that the Dean used his 
knowledge of graduate theological institutions to secure younger faculty just 
completing their graduate work. Many of these turned out to be the core of the 
Perkins faculty that has persisted to the present (1989). 

A signal honor which bore much later fruit was the appointment of Albert 
Outler as one of the eight Methodist delegates to the Faith and Order Confer- 
ence in Lund, Sweden, during the summer of 1952. This was by no means 
Outler' s first participation in the ecumenical movement, but did lead to 
increasing participation over the next few years. He attributed this and other 
nominations to the influence of Bishop William C. Martin, who was himself an 
active ecumenist. 

1953-54. Because of the declinations, the regular faculty did not increase 
significantly for 1953-54. Allen Lamar Cooper joined its ranks as both 
Counselor to Students and teacher in the field of ethics. Decherd Turner and 
Dean Cuninggim were listed on the faculty for the first time. New visiting 
faculty included Gaston Foote, J. B. Holt, Charles W. Iglehart, Robert G. 
McCracken, Barney McGrath, Rabbi Levi Olan, John T. O'Neill, Thompson 
Shannon, and Olive Smith. Summer-only faculty involved Robert Hazleton, 
Ray C. Retry, Paul Ramsey, William L. Reed, and Seymour A. Smith."^ 

The Dean stated that Perkins was in need of and looking for four new faculty 
in Division I (Local Church), four in Division II (Christianity and Culture), two 
in Division III (Church History, Theology, and Ethics), and one in Division IV 

The first faculty conference away from the campus occurred in September 
1953. This practice has been continued to the present. 


1954-55. Cuninggim made great strides in filling faculty gaps before the fall 
of 1954, with six additions. W. Richey Hogg was appointed in March 1954, but 
was on leave in India for 1954-55. It was a busy year for the faculty in the 
interview process just as it was for the Dean in the search for candidates. One 
retirement also occurred, that of J. T. Carlyon. 

Four of the six newcomers began their teaching in the fall of 1954: Charles 
Johnson in Religious Education, H. Neill McFarland in History of Religions, 
Joseph D. Quillian in Homiletics and Worship, and Hemdon Wagers in 
Philosophy of Religion (or Philosophical Theology). Robert Elliott assumed 
the post in Pastoral Counseling in January 1955."^ 

All of these were Methodists except Hemdon Wagers. In the discussion of 
the possible appointment of Wagers, his denominational affiliation. The 
Christian Church (Disciples of Christ), came under question. He was not the 
first non-Methodist to be elected, but that discussion perhaps encouraged the 
faculty to recognize the benefits of including those from other denomina- 
tions — as was done — eventually including the appointment of Roman Catho- 
lics as well. No one fit into the Perkins situation any better than Wagers, and 
when an opportunity came to him a few years later to return to an institution in 
his own communion, he chose to stay at Perkins where, I believe, he had come 
to feel thoroughly at home. 

Visiting faculty in addition to some of those who had taught the previous 
years were Hans W. Frei of Rice University and Benjamin Petty of the 
undergraduate school. Summer faculty included Hiel D. Bollinger, Charles 
Braden, Elmer Leslie, Carl Michalson, and Roger Ortmayer. 

1955-56. The year 1955 saw the retirement of W. A. Irwin, one of the 
translators of the Revised Standard Version of the Old Testament, who taught 
at Perkins after his retirement from the University of Chicago Divinity School. 
Three new full-time faculty arrived: W. Richey Hogg in World Christianity 
(elected a year earlier), Douglas Jackson in Sociology of Religion, and David 
Shipley in Historical Theology. John Deschner and Schubert Ogden were 
elected during 1954-55 but placed on leave to begin their teaching the 
following year. George C. Baker resigned as University Chaplain to become 
McCreless Professor of EvangeUsm. Umphrey Lee, Barney McGrath, and 
Sterling Wheeler assumed places on the faculty for part-time teaching. Visiting 
faculty numbered twelve with Richard C. Bush, William C. Martin, Kermit 
Schoonover, James N. Swafford, and Federal Lee Whittlesey as additions to 
those previously teaching. Robert E. Cushman, John Knox, and Willis C. 
Lamont joined the faculty for summer only."^ 

A shock to the community occurred in fall 1955 when Joe Mathews 
announced his resignation. Mathews was without doubt the most colorful, and 

THE CUNINGGIM YEARS : 1 95 1 -60 99 

perhaps the most controversial, person ever to serve on the Perkins faculty. (It 
has been suggested that Ora Miner, in the 1920s, matched him.) Mathews used 
the shock treatment with consummate skill. His classroom antics included such 
activities as throwing erasers at students and using colorful language (which I 
never heard him use outside the classroom). The period in which both he and 
Ed Hobbs taught — they egged each other on — was in my experience the most 
exciting in the history of Perkins. It was not the most comfortable, for Mathews 
never let us become complacent. 

Having decided not to complete his Ph.D. dissertation — he was a perfection- 
ist and never satisfied with what he wrote — Mathews left Perkins in June 1956 
to lead a student community in Austin. After several years he moved the base 
of his operation to Evanston, Illinois, and took over leadership of the Ecumeni- 
cal Institute, the forces for which emerged from the World Council of 
Churches' Second Assembly which had met in Evanston in 1954. 

There, and later in Chicago, he developed a unique kind of adult education, 
led by a semi-monastic community (which did not forbid marriage). The group 
later produced a community development program by working in their own 
situation in a poor section of Chicago, during the racial strife of the 1960s. The 
Institute later became known as the Institute of Cultural Affairs, and has 
exported its community development plan to other parts of the United States 
and to various locations throughout the world. 

1956-57. During a three-year period, five people retired from the faculty and 
were elected to emeritus status. These included the three pioneers who had 
joined the faculty in the 1920s: James Seehom Seneker (1954), John H. Hicks 
(1955), and Robert W. Goodloe (1956). In addition two more recent members 
also retired, A. W. Martin and Earl Marlatt in 1956. Before the end of the 1950s, 
all pre-Cuninggim faculty except Marsh and Grimes had entered the emeritus 

The fall of 1956 was the year of beginning for the two theologians John 
Deschner and Schubert Ogden. Perhaps no two people could have been less 
alike in their preparation and temperament than these two, but they worked out 
a unique team relationship. Deschner received his graduate training in Switzer- 
land under Karl Barth, Ogden at the University of Chicago. Deschner was a 
native Texan, a pastoral professor who became the confidant of both students 
and colleagues over the years. Ogden tended to seem brash to many students, 
though in his personal relationships he was not nearly so demanding as in the 
classroom. There he believed that students should know what they were talking 
about and be able to express their thoughts logically and precisely. These two, 
along with Outler and Shipley, formed a formidable team of theologians who 
began to attract the attention of outsiders for both their variety and competence. 


One additional full-time member, Kermit Schoonover, had taught the 
previous year in a visiting capacity. A member of the Society of Friends, 
Schoonover exhibited the kind of quiet personal style and attitude nourished by 
his Quaker traditions. 

Twelve visiting faculty were listed in the catalog with new listings being 
Walter Bell, John Dillenberger, Carol Jones, John K. Kultgen, F. Gene Leggett, 
and Harald Lindstrom (from Sweden). New summer faculty included Douglas 
Chandler and John H. Otwell."^ 

1957-58. The academic year which began in 1957 was a banner year for 
faculty additions. Some were replacements for the five retirements of the 
previous three years. R. Floyd Curl succeeded A. W. Martin in Field Work and 
Church Administration. He brought with him C. Wayne Banks, who taught 
Christian Education and later became Director of Academic Procedures. In 
1957, Banks suddenly found himself the only resident teacher of Christian 
Education. Grimes was on study leave, having received the first Perkins faculty 
fellowship offered by the American Association of Theological Schools. 
Unexpectedly, Johnson went to Garrett, his alma mater, to teach, but returned 
to Perkins after one year's absence. 

Joseph L. Allen, a young Ph.D. from Yale, came to teach Christian Ethics. 
Richard C. Bush joined the faculty, teaching History of Religion part-time in 
addition to administrative duties. Emmanuel Gitlin came in Old Testament, and 
H. Grady Hardin, from Chapelwood Methodist in Houston, came in Worship 
and Preaching. 

In 1957, Perkins first listed as an auxiliary the Institute of Religion at the 
Houston Medical Center, established to direct clinical pastoral education of 
both seminary students and pastors. Dawson C. Bryan was its director and 
LeRoy G. Kemey its first faculty member."^ 

Visiting faculty continued to fill gaps in the Perkins roster, providing 
enrichment for the curriculum. Although the number of visiting faculty for this 
period was unusually high, as Cuninggim proceeded in building a permanent 
faculty, this situation also brought greater breadth and depth to the faculty and 
enhanced the experience of both faculty and students. New visitors for the year 
included Maurice Culver, Lilla Mills Cunningham, Earl Cunningham, James 
C. Hares, Stuart Henry, Franklin Littell, and James N. Swafford. Summer-only 
faculty included Robert J. Amott, Van Harvey, Roger Ortmayer, and Albert T. 

1958-59. By 1958 nine formerly active faculty were listed as emerims. 
Edward Hobbs resigned to go to the Church Divinity School of the Pacific. The 
Institute of Religion added two faculty members, Joseph W. Knowles and 
Edward E. Thornton. Only three new faculty were added to Perkins, and one 

THE cuNiNGGM years: 1951-60 101 

returned. Roger Ortmayer was added to teach Christianity and the Arts. Lloyd 
Pfautsch, a joint appointment with the School of the Arts, began immediately 
in the work of developing a new degree, the Master of Sacred Music. Van 
Harvey came to teach Philosophical Theology, and Charles Johnson rejoined 
the Perkins faculty in Religious Education. 

Eleven visiting faculty returned to supplement the teaching. Most of these 
had taught in a previous session. John B. Cobb and James S. Thomas were new 
for the 1958 summer session, and James Winton Gable and J. B. Holt taught 
during the year.^' 

1959-60. The academic year 1959-60 was Merrimon Cuninggim's final 
year as Dean. He left in 1960 to become the Executive Director of the Danforth 
Foundation in St. Louis. This year was also David Shipley ' s last year at Perkins; 
he transferred to the Methodist Theological School in Ohio in 1 960. 

Two members of long standing retired in 1959, Wesley C. Davis and Fred D. 
Gealy. Both Davis and Gealy, along with W. A. Irwin, were retained on a part- 
time basis to work in preparation for a graduate program in religion for the 

Two New Testament instructors came to take the places of Davis and Gealy: 
William R. Farmer and Victor P. Furnish. Farmer had taught previously at 
Drew, while Furnish came directly from graduate school at Yale. A total of 
fifteen visitors completed the teaching staff. Newcomer visitors during the 
academic year were W.B.J. Martin, Thomas C. Oden, Kenneth C. Pepper, and 
Marion B. Richmond. The summer faculty included Markus Barth, Charles S. 
Braden, John von Rohr, and Ronald J. Williams.^' J. B. Holt took Richard 
Bush's place as Director of Admissions in January I960," and taught in the 
field of Missions. Miss Nell Anders retired as registrar after serving in that 
position for some thirty-five years.^'* 

1960-61. Although this was Quillian's first year as Dean, the faculty 
appointments had been made under Cuninggim's deanship during 1959-60. 
These final appointments brought a remarkable record of faculty appointments 
if not to completion, at least to a stage which provided a core faculty, still 
supplemented, as it should be, with visiting faculty with special expertise or 
with contributions in terms of character and knowledge. The new faculty for 
this year, found and recommended by Cuninggim, were Frederick S. Carney in 
Ethics, Franklin H. Littell in Church History, W. J. A. Power in Old Testament, 
William C. Robinson in New Testament, and James M. Ward in Old Testa- 
ment." Robert Anderson came in 1960, with his appointment actually being to 
the School of the Arts especially for the sacred music program, and soon 
became chapel organist for Perkins School of Theology, to the great delight of 
chapel-goers for many years. 


Additional visiting faculty to make a total of twelve were Edmund Deane 
with John Trevor for summer only. Banks was moved from Field Work to 
become Director of Academic Procedures with part-time teaching in Christian 


New faculty made new degrees possible. This did not change the fact that the 
basic degree had been from the beginning, and remained, the Bachelor of 
Divinity (B.D.), later renamed the Master of Theology (M.Th., in 1969) and 
still later the Master of Divinity (M.Div., in 1982). Rather early in its history 
a combined B.D. and M.A. (a graduate school degree) was set up with some 
double credit, making the time less than if the two degrees were taken 

We have noted the establishment quite early of the Master of Church 
Administration degree; it never attained the popularity its proponents hoped for 
it, and it was later abandoned. Much later the school set up the Bachelor of 
Religious Education degree (B.R.E.) as a stop-gap measure, but it was 
discontinued in 1951 after few takers had opted for it. Before that time the 
Master of Religious Education degree (M.R.E.) had come into being, the first 
graduate being Eloise Richardson in 1951. At first a twelve-month degree, it 
was strengthened a few years later when its requirements were lengthened to 
two academic years of full-time study.^^ 

The Master of Arts degree continued to be offered, under the Graduate 
School, and a special M.A. in Bible was instituted, mostly based on examina- 
tions, but was never popular." 

The faculty adopted a new degree in 1956, the Master of Sacred Theology 
(S.T.M.). It was especially popular in Pastoral Counseling in connection with 
the Institute of Religion in Houston. It included a written project representing 
"an intensification of a major practical concern of the student."^^ 

In the late 1 950s, Perkins and the School of the Arts began to talk about a joint 
degree in church music (Master of S acred Music ) . The committee presented the 
first proposal on 27 February 1959, and the degree went into effect in 1960 
under the able direction of Lloyd Pfautsch, who had become director of the 
Seminary Singers the previous year. 

The first step toward a doctoral level degree, the Ph.D. in Religious Studies, 
under the Graduate School with the leadership taken by Perkins, took place in 
1959. The first report of a committee, chaired by Albert Outler, came before the 
Perkins faculty that year,""^ but several years passed before the degree actually 
materialized, with the first students in the program admitted in 1965. 

THE CUNINGGIM YEARS : 1 95 1 -60 1 03 

Cuninggim's Record of Appointments 

With the exception of Pfautsch and Anderson for the M.S.M. degree, the B.D. 
degree's curriculum was the basis for Dean Cuninggim's appointments. The 
record is truly remarkable. 

Cuninggim made his first faculty appointment in 195 1 , when he persuaded 
Albert Outler to come to Perkins. His next appointments were in 1952-53, his 
last for 1 960-6 1 , ten academic years. The total was thirty-two, six of whom also 
had administrative responsibilities, with two being joint appointments with the 
School of the Arts. Ten were still on the faculty in 1 989 (one of whom, Lloyd 
Pfautsch, had moved completely to the School of the Arts). Twelve remained 
until retirement. Four left Perkins while Cuninggim was Dean and six left or 
died later. The faculty rejected only one of Cuninggim's nominees. Probably 
six or eight invited to join the Perkins faculty declined to move from their 
existing posts.^" 

Cuninggim developed a core faculty which persisted for more than thirty 
years. This group still provided faculty leadership in 1989. As we shall see in 
the following chapter, some viewed Cuninggim' s relationship with the church, 
which formed the immediate context for Perkins School of Theology, as 
occasionally lacking sufficient finesse; this led to problems greater than a 
seminary normally has with its constituency. But in faculty appointments and 
in other academic accomplishments, to be examined in the following chapter, 
Cuninggim's record may well be unparalleled in the history of American 
theological education. 

The Quadrangle Comes to Life 

From its beginning, SMU's School of Theology had had open admissions, 
accepting as students virtually all applicants. Indeed, at first upper-class 
undergraduates at SMU were allowed to take part of their theological work as 
undergraduates and receive credit on both the B.A. and B.D. degrees. In this 
way, the total for both degrees was less than the seven years otherwise required. 
Hawk made a brief effort to revive this practice, but apparently the faculty 
overruled the decision and if it was implemented at all it was for only a brief 
time. Upper-class undergraduates might still be admitted to complete their 
undergraduate degree while beginning their graduate work. Yet the American 
Association of Theological Schools frowned on this practice, and eventually 
Perkins received notations for it biennially from 1938 to 1944, the notations 
being removed in 1946. 

In any case the admission standards required only an undergraduate degree 
from an accredited college or university, and some were admitted from non- 
accredited colleges. A fairly small percentage of such admissions did not 
jeopardize the school's standing with the AATS, but Perkins had sometimes 
exceeded the maximum percentage. 

Cuninggim moved quickly to change the policy of open admissions in two 
ways: first, as Dean, he would no longer follow previous practice and be 
admitting officer. Instead, as in most seminaries, a committee would make the 
decisions. Second, admissions would become selective, with standards set so 
that not every candidate would necessarily be admitted.' He appointed an 
Admissions committee of five members, with Albert Outler as chair and the 
Dean a member ex officio. 

The committee's task was twofold: first, to set admission standards that 
would be approved by the faculty; and second, to be the body that reviewed each 
application and either admitted or declined to admit each student. Although the 
grade point average was not high (a C+), the committee did reject a limited 
number of persons with inadequate grade averages. For example, in 1955 only 
ten were rejected but in 1959 twenty-five were not allowed admission.' It was 
much more difficult to determine when students did not appear to have the 



"gifts and graces" for ordained ministry, and this was set as another of the 
standards to be observed. The procedure for notifying the apphcant of the 
committee's decision in the latter cases was even more trying than it was for 

The consequences were soon evident: first, many people in the constituent 
Methodist Church, especially those who had sponsored a rejected candidate, 
were most unhappy with the school. Attempts were made to interpret the policy, 
and letters to sponsors sometimes helped; but it still remained that some people 
became disaffected with Perkins School of Theology. A second result was that 
fewer students were admitted, leading sometimes to a number of students under 
the unspoken maximum of 400.^* What also became fairly common was that 
students began applying to other schools with lower admission standards. 

In certain cases, of course, students with a lower grade point average were 
admitted if other factors were overriding grades. Some students proved 
decisively that they could do seminary work even though their undergraduate 
grades seemed not to warrant admission. Unfortunately, others could not do so. 

Over the years the faculty, through the committee's recommendations, 
raised admission standards. Through psychological testing and other means, 
the school sought better way s of dealing with those whose psychological health 
did not indicate the likelihood of a useful ministry. 


In 195 1, the adequacy of the curriculum was probably at its lowest point in the 
school's history. The last revision before Cuninggim came as Dean resulted in 
a list of required courses based on each faculty member's having one required 
course. Students were then required to elect courses in the three divisions, and 
these varied according to the three types of ministerial preparation: pastoral, 
teaching, or social work.^ Although hardly a sound way to build a curriculum, 
the result was not quite so bad as the method would suggest. Because the faculty 
had been selected with a view to what was considered a well-rounded 
curriculum, there was more curricular balance than one might expect. 

Cuninggim' s first move toward curriculum revision was to initiate a series 
of faculty discussions on the purpose of the school, what it needed to emphasize 
in order to fulfill that purpose, and the kind of curriculum that would support 
its goals.^ The second move, on 8 October 1952, was to appoint a curriculum 
revision committee. Wesley Davis chaired it; members were Dean Cuninggim, 
Howard Grimes, W. A. Irwin, and Joe Mathews.' 

A preliminary step was taken in the spring of Cuninggim' s first year. The 
University had been on the semester plan for many years. The School of 
Theology had briefly tried the semester system but rather quickly returned to 


the quarter plan, with one quarter before Christmas, two quarters in the winter 
and spring, and one during the summer. At Cuninggim's recommendation, the 
faculty voted, with some negative votes, to change to the semester plan.** 

The review committee worked diligently and quickly during the fall semes- 
ter, and regularly reported to the faculty agreements it had reached. On 
November 21 — and this must have been a record for committee action on such 
a major question — agreement took place by the faculty on basic points: the 
program was to cover six semesters, with a minimum of 90 semester hours for 
graduation (actually 96 emerged as the final recommendation). The four 
subjects per semester received four hours credit each, making each of the three 
years receive 32 semester hours of credit. Approximately one-third of the work 
would be elective, with two-thirds being required, for the B.D. degree.^ 

Throughout the work of the committee, Dean Cuninggim fully participated 
as a member of the group. Indeed, the curriculum which emerged, as I 
remember the process, was formulated largely on the basis of his proposals. Yet 
what emerged came through the committee process and by consensus. The 
Dean may have led the way, but the faculty could claim the new curriculum as 
its own. By 22 December 1952 — just two months after the committee began its 
work — the results were presented to the faculty as "committee of the whole" 
and it was approved. It was ratified in a regular faculty session on 2 January 

Wesley Davis had described the new curriculum in the Spring 1953 issue of 
the Perkins School of Theology Journal. "We began," he writes, "with an effort 
to clarify in our own minds the task of the minister, to examine him at work in 
his parish." ' ' The principles behind the curriculum, as Davis laid them out, were 
(1) pertinence (to the needs of students for ministry); (2) balance, between 
elective and required work, between practical and "content" courses; (3) 
sequence within each of the four divisions; (4) integration, so that the minister 
can see his task whole; and (5) flexibility within divisions, so that each division 
keeps on top of what future pastors need from that area of study.'' 

Cuninggim made a somewhat different emphasis in his report to the Provost 
for 1953-54. "The course of study," he writes, "is designed to provide an 
integration among the various disciplines and a sequence in their pursuit which 
traditional seminaries have lacked."'^ 

This same quality is emphasized in the Perkins Catalog: 

An understanding of the minister's task and of the ways of learning 
suggests that the separateness of, and often competitiveness among the 
various traditional disciplines give way to the difficult goal of synthesis 
and cooperative endeavor. These considerations, moreover, imply the 
need of orderliness, as well as of federation of activity; some proper 


sequence of study must be worked out. And since contemplation and 
activity must go together in the successful functioning of the minister, so 
also these two related aspects of living must find their joined embodiment 
in the curricular program.'"* 

In order to implement these principles, a course of study based on three 
common cores of knowledge was set up: (a) the faith of the Christian 
community — that is the Scriptures and history and doctrine of the church; (b) 
the world (or culture) in which the Christian community has developed and its 
present context; and (c) the life of the world-wide and local church.'^ These 
common cores of knowledge (in the broadest use of the word, including 
practice) were organized into four divisions: 

Division I: The Life and Work of the Local Church (Administration, 
Education, Preaching, and Worship; field and laboratory work) 

Division IL Christianity and Culture (Philosophy, Missions and Other 
Religions, Social Ethics, and Counseling) 

Division III: The Christian Heritage (Church History [institutional and 
doctrinal]. Theology, and Ethics) 

Division IV: The Bible (Old and New Testaments).'^ 

Cuninggim emphasized the relating of the various aspects of the core to one 
another, a fact which required faculty cooperation. He believed there was a 
renewed emphasis on the Bible, and that Division II was genuinely new. The 
curriculum integrated classroom and "laboratory," and for Methodist students 
there was a new course on Methodist history, polity, and doctrine.'^ 

The curriculum received a great deal of attention in theological circles.'* 
There were assuredly unique aspects of it, for example, in the attempt to 
integrate practice into the curriculum itself. Divisions III and IV were fairly 
traditional, but Division 11 was genuinely innovative — a two-year attempt to 
relate Christianity and culture by dealing with such areas as philosophy, 
psychology, other religions, and human society as they impinged on the 
Christian faith. The attempt to build unity and sequence into the four divisions 
and to some extent between them was at least a more serious attempt than was 
common. The course of study served the school well, especially as it persisted 
in a modified form into the 1960s and later as some seminaries capitulated to 
students' demands and developed curricula which dealt more with current 
problems such as minority concerns than with the Christian heritage. 

But did the curriculum really work? Insofar as it did not, whose fault was it? 
SUght revisions were made for 1957-58,'^ and for 1960-61 (with Cuninggim 
having been a member of the revision committee), with courses being reduced 
in the latter revision to three semester hours to provide more elective space.^" 

The answer to the two questions just raised can be sought in the reaction of 


the faculty to the reduction of courses from four to three semester hours (each 
course thus to be one-fifth of a full load rather than one-fourth, making the total 
requirement for graduation 72 hours). According to the really good students, 
the faculty by and large did not reduce the requirements in courses even though 
their percentage of a full load had been changed. 

And so it was with regard to the original "New Curriculum": faculty tended 
to continue teaching what they wanted to teach rather than what a particular 
course represented in the entire curriculum and with scant regard for other parts 
of the course of study. Faculty members are by and large conservative when it 
comes to their teaching, and do not find it easy to adapt to new conditions. There 
are exceptions, of course, but it should be noted that teachers teach best when 
they are comfortable with the subject matter with which they are involved. 
Division II, Christianity and Culture, never really worked out. It really did 
require a new approach to education which sought to relate traditional subject 
matter to either a former culture or the present day. I do not mean that this is not 
done by many professors, only that the idea behind Division II was neither fully 
understood nor implemented. 

Field Work (or Education as it was later called) received an incredible 
amount of faculty attention during the 1950s."' The intention originally was to 
involve the entire faculty in the enterprise and to relate Field Education to all 
aspects of the curriculum. Faculty minutes are replete with attempts to do this, 
but it never really worked. For some Parish Week, when faculty and students 
without churches went for a week to be with students who did, was a helpful 
experience. It was not until an intern program was instituted, with its own staff 
both in the seminary and in the field, that a workable plan emerged. 

Perhaps the truth is close to what some faculty said even at the time: you 
cannot integrate a student' s experience for him or her; the student must do that. 
The faculty by and large were oriented to a "classical" kind of seminary 
education with an emphasis on the Christian heritage, not unlike, I think, what 
Seay, Moore, Kern, and others had envisioned many years earlier. An even 
stronger attempt was made with the new curriculum to be sure that this classical 
heritage was made relevant to the present time, but in the course of time, the 
attempt to do this in a division was eliminated and that task was left to individual 
faculty members sensitive to the need and able to do it for their own field of 

New Buildings 

It became apparent soon after moving to the new quadrangle that space for 
administrative and faculty offices, and even for classrooms, was inadequate in 
Kirby Hall for the increased size of faculty, staff, and student body. Early in 


Cuninggim' s deanship, therefore, he enhsted the Perkins family in the building 
of an additional building, just to the south of Kirby Hall. As an example of the 
new openness toward the faculty, Cuninggim appointed a committee to plan the 
building, with Earl Marlatt as chair." (Incidentally, another example of this 
new faculty participation is that by 1956 there were eighteen faculty commit- 
tees !p 

Marlatt was another of the faculty eccentrics. He had been Dean of the Boston 
University School of Theology earlier in his career, and attempted to operate 
the committee as apparently he had acted as dean. The committee had to be 
constantly alert to what he was doing outside committee action and occasion- 
ally step in to change decisions. What emerged from the committee, however, 
was an exceedingly useful building, named for the third president of SMU (not 
including acting President Kilgore). The auditorium, seating 300, was named 
for Mrs. Perkins, and the prayer chapel, later moved to a room in Perkins 
Chapel, for Earl Marlatt.^^ 

One other building in the seminary quadrangle, but built by the University 
with a federal loan, was a third apartment building, named for Bishop John M. 
Moore. Opened in 1959, it has always housed mainly Perkins students, even 
though it is open to students from other schools.'^ 

Several years earlier the University had demolished the two wooden apart- 
ment buildings on Airline Road, Marvin and Pierce Halls. They had served 
succeeding generations of students for more than thirty years, but were in need 
of such major repairs that it was not practical to continue them.'^ 

Racially Integrating the School of Theology" 

In a previous chapter we noted that SMU's School of Theology very early 
began offering courses to black students, but always without credit except 
when an occasional student took a course and received credit from his original 
seminary. Then during the final year of Hawk's deanship, in 1950, the Board 
of Trustees opened the door for the admission of black students to full 
membership in the Perkins community. It is reported that one influential 
member of the Board said: "I don't like this proposal. It goes against what I've 
always believed. But I can tell which way the wind is blowing, and I'm going 
to vote for it.""^ 

For the sake of proper perspective on this matter, it should be remembered 
that this was more than four years prior to the Supreme Court decision of 17 
May 1954, that declared "separate but equal" education unconstitutional. It 
occurred almost simultaneously with the earlier decision in 1950 that the Law 
School of the University of Texas at Austin must admit a black student because 
law school provisions for blacks were not equal to those for whites."^ It was, of 


course, more than a decade before the Civil Rights Act of 1 964. The process of 
desegregation in the South had scarcely begun and resistance to it was great. 
Street cars and buses, restaurants and public schools, all aspects of life, 
including some said especially the churches, were strictly segregated with 
whites clearly on top of the pile. 

Two black students had been admitted to classes almost immediately but did 
not prove equal to academic demands. It was not until the second year of 
Cuninggim's deanship that five carefully selected black students were admit- 
ted to the Bachelor of Divinity degree program of the School, in September 
1952. They represented three denominations, from five states. The real, and 
successful, pioneers of Perkins's desegregation were John W. Elliott, James A. 
Hawkins, James V. Lyles, Negail R. Riley, and Cecil Williams.^*^ Four of the 
students sought and were provided rooms in S. B. Perkins Dormitory. 

From the beginning. Dean Cuninggim adopted the policy of talking things 
out with the five black students in order to help them see the possible 
implications of any particular action they might take. He called them into his 
office the first day they were on campus, and they went, probably with 
misgivings, thinking that the law was to be laid down concerning what they 
could and could not do. To quote Cuninggim in an address given many years 

I said there were two things that I thought we ought to talk about. The first 
was as to how to handle this unusual and revolutionary movement. The 
Board had made it possible for them to be treated as regular students. 
"Within the bounds of the general University customs," I said, "regular 
students make their own decisions about where they go and what they do. 
So, you will have that privilege too. But you and I know that there will be 
a lot of questions and a lot of problems, incident to your being the first black 
students on a white campus. Can we share these problems as they arise, or 
even in imagination before they arise?" This wasn't going quite as they 
expected, so they gladly said Yes. 

I continued: "I'll promise to give you my understanding of any problems 
when I hear about it, and more, will give you advice about it. But then 
you'll be free to make your own decision — at least, as free as my advice, 
likely sometimes to be hard for you to take, will allow. Will you promise 
to share similarly with me the questions that you have or come to know 
about?" "O, yes indeed," they said. They didn't really believe me, of 
course, but it was a lot better than fiat. And what did they have to lose?^' 

There were a few problems at Perkins itself. The students welcomed the new 
students enthusiastically. They had raised a special scholarship on their behalf. 


and so far as I could determine at the time treated them simply as fellow 
students. Faculty and staff in general acted similarly. In some instances, to be 
sure, they practiced "segregation in reverse" by taking into account their 
inadequate undergraduate education in the giving of grades. The one group that 
had to be reprimanded were the black employees of the Perkins cafeteria who 
resented their presence among the students. ^^ 

Discussions with the Dean (at first) and later with Lamar Cooper, Counselor 
to Students, covered a wide variety of subjects: what part of the streetcar they 
should occupy, recreational swimming, attendance at football games in the 
Cotton Bowl, shopping, getting a haircut, attendance at white churches, and the 
like. Sometimes decisions were to participate immediately (attendance at 
football games); sometimes it was delayed (swimming). Dean Cuninggim 
followed what he called "cautious advance" in his discussions with the 
students: advance as far and as fast as possible but cautiously, with a consid- 
eration of the milieu in which the advance was occurring.^^ 

Cuninggim provides an example of how advances made first with caution 
sometimes led to problems which a somewhat bolder approach avoided. Would 
the black students play intramural sports on Perkins teams? A white student 
leader made an unauthorized call on the Director of Athletics, Lloyd Messersmith, 
to demand that black students be allowed to play on Perkins teams. The 
director's response was, "Since you're raising the question about it, perhaps I 
should take it up with the faculty senate."^** The question went to the Senate, 
where it turned out that everyone favored their participation, but since the 
question had been raised, perhaps they ought to consult the administration.^^ 

The Perkins representative to the Senate immediately notified the Dean, who 
called Lloyd Messersmith and simply told him that the black students would be 
participating in intramurals and he needed to know this in order to head off any 
surprises. Messersmith' s response was: "Oh, I'm so glad you are treating it 
normally; no point of making a big scene, is there?" (They actually avoided 
touch football the first year because of the amount of contact in the game.) The 
Dean concludes his account of this incident with the comment: "Incidentally, 
the Senate motion, so far as I know, is still on the table."^^ 

The first semester moved along with surprisingly few difficulties. But then 
the enterprise was almost derailed. As Director of Men's Housing, I was 
informed by a white student that he would like to have a black student as a 
roommate. So I went to someone I thought might be interested and asked him 
about the possibility. He readily agreed, and so we came to have two black 
students with white roommates during the spring semester. 

When word got out in the early spring of 1953 that the black students were 
not only living in the dormitory but that two of them had white roommates, the 


opposition outside the school coalesced and began to bring pressure on the 
Board of Trustees, including Mr. Perkins. The situation grew in intensity, 
aggravated by a female student who wrote to her parents about sitting at the 
same table with one of the black students at Sunday dinner. (The Perkins 
cafeteria was not open on Sunday.) It became increasingly clear that the matter 
would be raised at the May 1953 Board of Trustees meeting." 

On the day prior to the Board meeting, the School of Theology Trustee 
Committee met at the request of Bishop A. Frank Smith, chairman of the Board. 
The committee decided to try to keep the question from coming to the full Board 
of Trustees by agreeing that they (the committee) would handle it. The 
committee' s action was to support things as they were""^ and therefore the matter 
did not come before the Board of Trustees. 

Several of the key people in handling the situation were not available. Bishop 
Paul Martin, chair of the School of Theology Committee and confidante of the 
Perkins family, was on an extended overseas episcopal visit. President Lee was 
out with a heart attack, and Tate and Hosford were carrying on the responsibili- 
ties of the President. Mrs. Smith had suffered a heart attack, and Bishop Smith 
stayed in Houston as much as possible.^^ Dean Cuninggim lacked the close 
relationship with the persons involved which Martin, Smith, and Lee had. 
(When Tate assumed the presidency of the University in 1 954, he became 
active behind the scenes and helped bring the matter to a close.) 

Then in the summer of 1953, Mr. Perkins, at the insistence of the unnamed 
group demanding the black students' removal at least from the dormitory, did 
something he had never done before and which neither he nor Mrs. Perkins did 
later: He wrote a letter to Bishop William C. Martin (presiding bishop of the 
Dallas-Fort Worth area of the Methodist Church) and sent a copy to the Dean 
(as well as to other people). When no action occurred, Mr. Perkins wrote 
directly to the Dean. 

The Dean was out of the city, and in his absence well-meaning people tried 
to get Mrs. Cuninggim to use her influence in having the black students 
removed from the dormitory. One of the cleverest ploys they used was to warn 
her that if he did not do so, it would bring on the demise of Mr. Perkins, who 
was now an old man."^" Informed of what was going on, Cuninggim wrote out 
a statement while he was still out of town to use on his return to Dallas. 

When he returned, he would show or read the statement he had written to 
officials of both church and University. (It had been written, he says, in 
Pennsylvania, not far from the Gettysburg battlefield.) The statement in part 
read as follows: 

Why [then] take the Negroes out of the dormitory? Or why do anything else 

that would be authoritarian and regulatory? 


Because their being in the dormitory has aroused the opposition of those 
in contact with them? No. Because they themselves have misused the 
privileges they have possessed? No. Because the University has received 
unfavorable publicity about it? No. Because the University officials were 
not aware of what was going on and the thing was done in secret? No. 
Because it was never intended to consider them as regular students and 
somehow advantage had been taken of the Board's original action? No. 
. . . Because we are moving too far ahead of the general provision, and our 

constituency would not support us? No Because the policy of mutual 

consultation between them and me, on the basis of which they have guided 
their actions, has failed? No. Because either the things done or the methods 
followed are out of harmony with the basic character and purpose of the 
University or the Church? No. None of these reasons is available for our 
defense, for none of them is sound. 
Then why? 

There is no reasonable explanation at all; and the explanations based on 
personal taste will not be sufficient to save us from disaster. 

But these dire imaginings are altogether vain, for I am convinced that the 
Board of Trustees, fully informed as to the situation and to the conse- 
quences of the restrictive action, would not take any such step. Yet this 
does not throw us inevitably into the other disaster. Surely there is a 
constructive way out of the situation, a way that calls for the painstaking 
education of those who are disturbed. This education would need to consist 
of information on both the status of the Negroes in the School and the 
devastating results of any such change in that status as would inevitably 
represent a backward step in their treatment as regular students. It will not 
be easy, but I believe it can be accomplished. For this way of education is 
the direct and honorable way. It is the way of love as well as of firmness; 
the only way that can bind the wounds of those who have been hurt, the 
only way we can testify to the continual working of God' s grace among us, 
the only way that any of us could take."*' 

Hosford and especially Tate were working quietly behind the scenes, 
handicapped because of their "acting" status. But at one time they said to 
Cuninggim, "Merrimon, we are with you.'"*^ 

At the first retreat of the faculty in September 1953, the situation was tense. 
Cuninggim said unequivocally that if the Board required him to take the black 
students out of the dormitory he would resign. Many of the rest of us were 
deeply disturbed, both about the situation and our unwillingness to take a 
similar vow. So each of us in his own way wrestled with his conscience and 
hoped for the best. 


The only change that occurred was that the black students voluntarily 
withdrew from having white roommates. As I look back on the situation, I 
believe that placing the black and white students together was probably unwise 
at the time. I can now see that I might have been more concerned with 
"advance" than "caution." 

Surprisingly nothing happened at the fall Board meeting. Then Bishop Paul 
Martin returned in November, and he and his wife Mildred spent part of their 
Christmas vacation with the Perkins in Wichita Falls. He writes: 

One evening, Mr. Perkins in the direct fashion that always characterized 
him asked me, "Do you believe if this matter is not settled in an amicable 
manner, it will hurt the University?" I replied in the affirmative. Then he 
simply but sincerely said, "This is the only consideration. The University 
must rise above any hurt feelings that can develop. The School of Theology 
is our first love.""*^ 

The end of the matter came at the Theology Board of Trustees Committee in 
January 1954. Bishop Smith described the event in these words: 

When the Committee met in Dallas, Mrs. Perkins very tactfully yet very 

definitely expressed herself, and that was the end of it. We told Mr. 

(the leader of the dissenters) that the Board committee had refused to take 
any action, and he didn't press any further.'" 

Dean Cuninggim commented, "Lois Perkins was indeed a heroine of this 
story . . ." Her social conscience, he added, came especially from her partici- 
pation in the women's study program of the church.^*^ He also highly praised 
Bishop William C. Martin, "the only man fully privy to the ongoing push-and- 
shove who never once sought to change or weaken our policy. "^^ Bishop Paul 
Martin's conversation with Mr. and Mrs. Perkins provided the final impetus. 
Others in the Dallas community and from around the country were also 
supportive, clergy and laity alike. The faculty and the student body mostly 
remained constant in their intention, and thus Cuninggim could rightly con- 
clude, "Lots of folks have said it was a great time in the life of the School, and 
I think we all knew it and cherished it."^^ 

Was Perkins School of Theology integrated or merely desegregated in this 
struggle? The answer to this question is far more difficult than I once believed. 
Many years after his student days, I saw Cecil Williams who, by this time, 
strongly claimed his black heritage and was well known as the pastor of the 
Glide Memorial Methodist Church in San Francisco where he developed a 
radically oriented approach to ministry. "Cecil," I said, "I think I refused to 
accept your blackness when you were at Perkins. My way of dealing with you 
was to deny that you were any different from me." And then he admitted that 


he too had not really accepted his blackness in those days, and how liberating 
it had been when he finally did. In the years during which black students both 
proclaimed and celebrated their color of skin, 1 came to realize that most of us 
were not fully capable of integration, perhaps because we really did not know 
what it meant. 

One incident indicates that the students made more progress in integration 
than faculty probably did. It happened at one of the student spring entertain- 
ments. Panorama, which later became primarily a faculty take-off. Cecil 
WilUams was about to sing — he had a marvelous voice — and word was passed 
from row to row so quickly that it reached the audience of some 300 students, 
faculty, and spouses. "Don't applaud when Cecil finishes," ran the injunction. 
At the conclusion of his number, the audience was so quiet that the silence was 
deafening. At first he looked bewildered, but it took him only a moment to 
recover. "Aw, come on," he said, "you know you loved it!" And the applause 
that followed was not only for a song well sung but also for a person loved and 

Other Controversies 

The integration crisis was not the only problem that SMU and Perkins faced 
during this period. Another, which affected the entire University but in which 
Perkins was involved, concerned a professor of English, John O. Beaty, a long- 
time member of the faculty and a widely recognized scholar.'** Beaty published 
privately in 195 1 a book entitled The Iron Curtain over America. The thesis of 
the book was that Jews were behind the "Communist conspiracy" and other ills 
of the world. It was blatantly anti-Semitic, but the University administration 
chose to ignore it. Its circulation was fairly widespread, one estimate being that 
it sold more than 45,000 copies.'*^ Ralph Lord Roy, a Methodist clergyman, 
devoted eight pages to Beaty' s book in his book on the hate movements. 
Apostles of Discord, and Roy's book was reviewed in the Southwest Review 
(SMU's literary publication) with due reference to Beaty' s book. President Lee 
and the remainder of the University still remained silent, however. But Beaty 
would not let up, and other people joined with Beaty in espousing the view of 
his book. Mrs. Lee believed that this entire process contributed to the President' s 
declining health and his eventual resignation as President.^" 

Finally, in 1954, Beaty wrote and distributed a pamphlet "How to Capture a 
University," accusing SMU of capitulating to Jewish influence and the entire 
University of giving in to Communism. Part of his criticism was aimed directly 
at Perkins, which he criticized for the awards which B'nai B'rith made to 
students at Perkins in the field of social action; the course offered in Contem- 
porary Judaism first by Rabbi Lefkowitz and later by Rabbi Olan, both from 


Temple Emanu-El; and the gifts to Bridwell Library setting up a section on 
Judaism honoring David and Sadie Lefkowitz.-^' 

Although the administration had chosen to ignore the book, eventually the 
SMU Campus, in the fall of 1953, decided to open the subject for discussion. 
The writer in the paper recognized that Beaty had demonstrated scholarly 
competence in his own field of English literature, but called The Iron Curtain 
over America "the most extensive piece of anti-Semitic literature in the history 
of America's racist movement."^"^ 

When the pamphlet directly attacking SMU was printed and distributed, in 
1954, it no longer was possible for Beaty to be ignored. The University faculty 
met on 16 February 1954, and repudiated the publication.'*'' The Perkins faculty 
authorized letters to be sent to Temple Emanu-El and to B'nai B'rith at its 19 
February 1954 meeting.'*^ The spring issue of the Perkins School of Theology 
Journal contained an editorial strongly condemning Professor Beaty's publi- 
cations.^^ The administration decided that it could no longer ignore what he had 
done, and a committee was appointed from the Board of Trustees on March 30 
to deal with the allegations in the pamphlet.^'' The committee reported at the 
May Board meeting that the facts "do not bear out the allegations made by Dr. 
Beaty in his pamphlets."^^ 

Beaty did not resign as the committee had inferred that anyone out of line 
with the University's policies ought. After Willis Tate became President, he let 
Beaty know what Beaty had not previously accepted, that the committee's 
statement about resignation was directed toward him. Dr. Beaty continued to 
teach until retirement, however, but made no more public broadsides against 
the University.^^ 

The School and Criticism by the Church 

The Cuninggim deanship was not without its problems in dealing with the 
church in the region. There had always existed such criticism, as J. T. Carlyon 
reminded the faculty in a discussion of the subject.^^ Cuninggim' s leadership 
was primarily academic, and his directness and honesty sometimes seemed 
harsh to church people. Though Cuninggim was not well integrated into church 
politics, his positions need to be viewed as he viewed them, prophetic steps by 
which the churches could measure their own attitude and life and be challenged 
by prophetic change. In spite of all the efforts of the faculty and the Dean to 
improve field education, both its quantity and its quality, many church leaders 
felt that Cuninggim was leading the School away from the close association it 
had previously had with its immediate constituency. 

There were always some theological questions about the School. Strangely 
enough, some of the earlier Perkins graduates complained during these years 


that the School was leaning too much toward the new orthodoxy, represented 
by such theologians as Reinhold Niebuhr and Karl Barth. Others continued to 
have questions about its "liberal" theology or about its leftist leanings in 
poHtical and social questions. (In actuality Perkins was probably more conser- 
vative on social problems than most of the main-hne seminaries.) 

This is not to suggest that the administration did not make an attempt to reach 
out to both the total University and the church. We have already noted the 
continuing effort to improve the "practical training" of students through field 
education, never completely successful but at least attempted. 

The new Dean, in an article called "The State of the School" and published 
in the Perkins School of Theology Journal for Spring 1952, considered both of 
the issues stated above. Concerning the relationship of Perkins to the church, 
he wrote: "[T]he faculty is of one mind that the primary responsibility of the 
School is to furnish first-class training for the parish ministry.""" He further 
stated, "Perkins must come to play its full part in the life and philosophy of the 
whole institution [SMU]."''' 

Earlier he had stated in the Journal, "[I]t is the Faculty, not I, who will do the 
changing. Or better still, it will be all of us working together.""^ There is no 
question but that he gave both faculty and students more opportunity to 
participate in the life of the school, including decision making. Yet the Dean 
had to take both credit and blame for what happened. Further, Cuninggim was 
a strong personality who partly by reason of office and partly because of his 
strong leadership had great influence on the way the school developed during 
his deanship. 

Bridwell Library 

Along with other advances which we have noted, the growth and quality of 
Bridwell Library was also notable. Moving the library into its own building, 
provided by the Bridwells, was a great step in its development. The coming of 
Decherd Turner as the librarian was another step in its advancement. Although 
Turner was quite young when he became librarian in 1950, he already had 
considerable knowledge of bibliography and he developed that knowledge 
extensively during his early years as head librarian. He was also both a savant 
and an entrepreneur, which meant that he either knew or learned how to build 
a library, and was aggressive in pursuing the steps that led to its greatness. 

Mrs. John (Kate) Wamick remained as reference librarian. As she completed 
thirty-five years of service in 1953, Turner said: "She knows the book stacks 
of Bridwell Library (about 50,000 volumes) intimately, and with an almost 
intuitive sense can ferret out the most obscure fact."" Her persistence often led 
to results which could have been attained in no other way, he might have added. 


Turner not only began buying individual books, both current and those 
published in former years. He also had an uncanny ability to find collections 
and somehow finance them, often outside his budget, or else secure them as 
gifts. The first major gift occurred at the beginning of his second year, in the 
establishing of the Sadie and David Lefkowitz collection of Judaica by Temple 
Emanu-El where Lefkowitz was chief Rabbi for many years. The collection 
continued to grow over the years.*^ 

About the same time Turner made his first "exotic" purchase — a facsimile 
copy of the Book of Kells, "the richest and handsomest of all Irish manu- 

The first collection which he bought was the Steindorff Collection of 
Egyptology, in the fall of 1952. He called it "one of the most famous private 
collections in the field of Egyptology in the world." Steindorff had held the 
professorship in Egyptology for over forty years at the University of Leipzig, 
but because of his Jewish birth was forced to flee Germany at the beginning of 
the Nazi Jewish purge. The collection contained more than 1 ,700 books and 
2,000 reprints and pamphlets. The daughters of A. V. Lane, who had been 
responsible for bringing the Lane Museum (containing, among other things, 
Egyptian artifacts), helped in the purchase.'''' 

The year 1956 was an especially fruitful year, with the gift by Bishop 
Frederick Leete of his collection called the "Methodist Historical Library, Inc." 
and consisting of books and manuscripts on the Wesleys and the history of 
Methodism. Included were several original John Wesley letters which had 
never been published.^^ 

In the fall of the same year the Dan Ferguson Collection came to Bridwell 
Library. Composed of Texas history and U. S. government documents, the 
collection was given to Bridwell (in spite of the fact that many of its items did 
not really fit in a theological library) because of Turner's friendship with 
Ferguson. The collection also contains signed letters from virtually every U. S. 
President to that time.''^ 

Financing the School 

The large gift for which fund raisers of the School of Theology had hoped for 
many years materialized in the Perkins family's magnificent gifts whose value 
increased over the years as oil runs were exploited. Without this gift, the school 
would have continued to struggle to maintain itself. What this gift also did, 
however, was to convince some people that there was no need for further 
support, and this had to be changed as quickly as possible. 

Dean Hawk had secured many small to medium-sized scholarships. The 
Crosby and Nicholson bequests were not yet available to the School,*'' nor was 


Mrs. Hughey's gift which was directed to the library. Although minimum 
tuition was now charged, many students received tuition scholarships and 
therefore paid only the minimum fees7° With the rapid rate of faculty addition 
and the necessity of increasing salaries to secure desirable additions, the 
School's finances were still inadequate to meet the needs of Cuninggim's 
rapidly expanding budget/' 

The John M. Moore Fellowship was presented to Perkins in 1946 by the 
Bishop, for graduate study beyond the B.D. degree, but it was 1952 before the 
first fellowship was granted, to Edwin R. Spann7^ 

Mr. and Mrs. Sol McCreless of San Angelo provided yearly support for a 
Chair in Evangelism, and it was filled for the first time, by George Baker, in 
1955." An unexpected bonus came to the Field Work program in 1953 in the 
form of $50,000 for scholarships presented by Frank Sharp of Houston.^'' 

It was also encouraging that the Methodist Church began to provide major 
support to all its schools of theology. The South Central Jurisdiction pledged 
$6,250 annually for the 1954-57 quadrennium,^^ and the World Service Fund 
of the Methodist Church provided $1 16,250.00 for the budget in 1956-57.'^ 
Individual conferences also made contributions to the budget.^^ 

The cost of education continued to rise, however, at a rate far above the rate 
of inflation. Therefore the School continued to have budget problems and to 
seek both new contributions and ways of cutting the budget.^* 

Student Life 

One of the most difficult aspects of the life of Perkins School of Theology to 
describe concerns its students. History, including church history, tends to 
center on leadership and on principal events rather than on the people who 
helped to make history through their daily life and contributed immeasurably 
to the church by their faithfulness. So this history of Perkins School of 
Theology has been too much concerned with administrative leadership rather 
than with the students who also made history. Records are sparse, not always 
clear, often difficult to interpret. We have lists of students in the catalogs, of 
course, and my own memory of many students over thirty-three years would 
fill a book. Even so, how many I have forgotten! Any list of graduates I read 
reminds me of individuals whom I have not seen since their student days and 
whose names on paper conjure recollections that are buried in my memory. 

We have already noted that students were brought into the life of the School 
such as they never had been previously. Cuninggim called them into session on 
16 October 1951.^'^ His consultations with the black students were more fre- 
quent and more intimate than with the remainder of the student body, of course, 
but indicative of his openness to all. 


Many student activities were continued from the past: for example, the 
student council, the annual spring banquet, intramural athletics, active work in 
the planning of daily worship.*" I cannot determine with certainty when the first 
student talent show was held — the first recorded is for 20 March 1952,*' prior 
to the existence of Lois Perkins Auditorium and thus held in the so-called "AV 
Room" on the lower floor of Kirby Hall. According to the SMU Campus this 
show was held in connection with the Campus Chest, an all-student effort to 
raise money for "Little SMU" in Brazil and other causes.*" This spring enter- 
tainment later became a faculty take-off with some wonderful shows develop- 
ing over the years. 

The Seminary Singers, under the direction first of Fred Gealy and later Lloyd 
Pfautsch, continued to be a primary source of community for its members. No 
other Perkins organization has been as meaningful to generations of Perkins 

The Log, a student publication, was first published in the fall of 1952 with 
Hobert Hildyard as the first editor.*^ A Woman's Society of Christian Service 
circle had been organized for student wives by Mrs. A. W. Martin about 1948. 
By 1953-54 it had a membership of almost ninety. *"* Under the nurturing hand 
of Whitty Cuninggim courses taught by Perkins professors were also con- 
ducted, and other activities for student wives were held. Mrs. Paul Quillian, 
director of married students housing, was responsible for beginning a day 
nursery in Hawk Hall in 1951-52.*^ 

Some Perkins students also participated in the activities of the University, 
and on at least one occasion a Perkins student, Richard Deats, was elected 
President of the SMU Student Association, in 1955.*^ 

The student body gradually became more diverse. The most dramatic 
change, of course, was its ethnic diversity, at first with blacks and later more 
Hispanic students than previously. It had always had a sprinkling of interna- 
tional students, and only a lack of scholarship funding kept this from expanding 
even more rapidly. The geographic distribution of students increased, but the 
Perkins student body remained still predominantly from its own constituency, 
as is natural that it should. The adding of other degrees, such as the Master of 
Sacred Music, drew from an increasingly wide group of applicants. 

All in all the Perkins quadrangle was an active place, aided by the fact that 
now almost one-half of the student body lived on campus. Yet even these 
students, some of whom were pastors of churches (for the number of students 
holding charges remained high), and almost all of whom had some kind of 
paying job, were divided in their loyalties. Unfortunately many, especially 
those who commuted daily to their parishes, had little or no contact with the 
School outside the classroom. 


Perkins Reaches Out 

If the impression has been given that Dean Cuninggim was uninterested in the 
relationship of school and church, I have failed in my interpretation. He did a 
great deal to contribute to the tradition of the School's service to its inamediate 
constituency. Some of the School's outreach was a continuation from the past. 
The Course of Study School for those unable to secure a seminary education, 
begun by A. W. Martin, had continued for some years. Its largest enrollment 
up to this time occurred in 1953 with 1 14 enrolled in the second of two summer 
terms. ^^ This school, without offering seminary credit, has been of immeasur- 
able benefit, mostly to the South Central Jurisdiction of Methodism, and has 
developed the kind of student loyalty scarcely matched by degree students. 

Ministers' Week continued to draw more than one thousand pastors to many 
of its sessions. The first alumni/ae luncheon was held in 1950^* and continued 
until many years later its name was changed to "Ministers' Week Luncheon" 
so that non-Perkins graduates would feel free to attend. 

A week in which students and faculty spent time with student pastors in the 
field began under A. W. Martin's leadership prior to Cuninggim' s deanship. It 
was continued for a number of years with quite mixed results in the various 
parishes. A much more ambitious field education program came into being, 
also with mixed results, until some years later when the Intern Program 
replaced it. 

The Perkins School of Theology Journal had been initiated in the fall of 1 947 
with the distinct purpose of keeping in touch with graduates of the School.*^ 
Under the editorship of Thomas H. Marsh for its first six years, the Journal was 
edited by Howard Grimes beginning in 1 95 3 . It still carried alumni/ae news and 
campus happenings until in 1957 a news bulletin came into being and the 
Journal was free to carry more serious articles (but still aimed toward the 
practicing pastor).^" 

George Baker became director of Perkins Outreach after taking over the 
McCreless Chair of Evangelism and planned various ways in which Perkins 
faculty could reach out into the church. Continuing Education, as an organized 
Perkins activity, came some years after Cuninggim' s deanship. But the activity 
of the faculty in local churches served some of the purposes included in the 
organized activity of a later period. 


Dean Cuninggim arrived at Perkins when it was on the threshold of change. His 
leadership, as we have seen in two chapters, shaped the character of that change 
and led the School to the place where the theological and the church worlds 
recognized it as a leading school of theology. Much remained still to be done. 


and Joseph D. Quillian, as Cuninggim's successor, built on the achievements 
of those nine years and broadened their base. Many years later, Dean Quillian, 
speaking of Cuninggim, wrote, "It is not excessive to say that he might have 
been the best 'inside dean' that any seminary ever had.'"" In his own quite 
different way, Quillian both sustained and strengthened "the School that 
Merrimon built" and launched it into new paths that moved it forward. 

To close the Cuninggim part of the Perkins story, I want to quote from his 
commencement address to the Perkins graduates of 1953 (without changing its 
masculine language). "Who is the ideal student?" Cuninggim asked, and 

... he is the one who respects his mind and will continue to develop its 
powers, who is not afraid to enter dissent, even to engage in controversy 
if necessary, against the evils of his day, and who, most of all, is aflame 
with the transforming fire of the love of Christ in his heart, a fire that will 
light up the hearts and lives of others.'^- 

R. Harper Kirby, ca. 1924 

Annie Kirby, ca. 1924 

Dean Eugene B. Hawk, ca. 1948 

Prof. John H. Hicks, ca. 1949 



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Dean Merrimon Cuninggim, ca. 1952 

Dean Joseph D. Quillian and Prof. Albert C. Outler, 1964 

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£ £ 







Prof. Nathaniel L. Lacy, Jr., ca. 1970 

Groundbreaking for annex to Bridwell Library, 1972. From left: 
Dr. Decherd Turner, Mrs. Kate Warnick, Mr. Page A. Thomas, 
Dean Joseph D. Quillian, Mr. Horace Dryden, Mrs. Jerene Sim- 
mons, Prof. Howard Grimes 

Chicano Seminarians award, 1973. From left: Dr. Alfredo 
Nanez (recipient), Rev. Jose Salas, Rev. Rodolfo Barrera 

Prof. Phyllis Bird, ca. 1976 

Dean James E. Kirby, Jr., and Mrs. Howard (Johnnie Marie) 
Grimes, 1991 (Courtesy of Johnnie Marie Grimes) 


The Quillian Years: 

Southern Methodist University began to come of age academically during the 
presidency of Umphrey Lee. The granting of a Phi Beta Kappa chapter in 1950 
is both a symbolic and substantive indication of this progress. The effort to 
improve the academic quality of the school continued during Willis Tate's 
administration even though some people saw him more as an administrator than 
an academic man. One of his strengths was the appointment of the right people 
to key positions, and one of these appointments was making Albert Outler chair 
in 1962 of the committee to develop the Master Plan, the purpose of which was 
to restructure the academic life of the University. This committee, assisted by 
the Council of Deans, a student committee, and a committee of fifty people 
from outside the SMU community, was in part a response to the increasing 
pressure from certain leaders of Dallas to make SMU a technical/technological 

The result of the Master Plan was the University College, a common body of 
courses which all SMU undergraduates were required to take." The work of the 
Committee followed Tate's message to the Board of Trustees in 1961. At the 
November meeting he reported: 

Our University is in a period of transition, and in order to make it, we have 
to rethink our purposes and our role as a University. We are making a 
transition from an undergraduate school, with professional schools, to a 
University giving a terminal education degree; from the role of teaching 
to the role of teaching and research; from a role of merely transmitting our 
culture to an originator of leadership during a period of rapid change; and 
from a local institution to a regional University with a growing role of 
pioneering academic leadership for our section.^ 

The University continued to grow, from a full-time faculty of 248 in 1959- 
60 to 379 in 1967-68; from 500,376 volumes in all libraries in 1959-60 to 
974,686 in 1967-68; and from a budget of $7,773,000 in 1959-60 to 
$20,169,000 in 1967-68. Annual gifts varied from under $2,000 in 1959-60 
to almost $8 million in 1965-66, and endowment increased from $1 1,293,000 
in 1959-60 to $23,700,000 in 1967-68." Even so, the endowment was far too 



low for a university, and SMU continued to have financial problems and often 
ran on deficit financing. The "Fund for the Future," an effort to raise $ 1 00,000,000 
for endowment, begun in 1962,^ proved only partly successful, and the new 
trustees in 1 964 were told that SMU' s greatest need was for endowment. At the 
same meeting, Mr. Eugene McElvaney, who had become chair of the Board of 
Trustees in 1960, said: "The University is devoted to the ideals of Christianity, 
and its purpose is founded upon the principle that the free search for truth by 
competent scholars will produce a growing understanding of the work of the 
Creator.'"' What he thus envisioned for SMU would require financial 
undergirding, and much of the work of the Presidents of the 1970s and 1980s 
was devoted to the raising of these funds. 

Joseph D. Quillian, Jr. 

Merrimon Cuninggim resigned as Dean of Perkins School of Theology in 
January 1960. Soon after Cuninggim' s resignation, area clergy began to write 
to Tate requesting, even imploring for, a dean who would be more attentive, in 
their view, to the churches of the area. One even went so far as to say, "The 
resignation may be Providential for our Methodism." Another, typically, 
described the person needed as someone "to help mould the young men of our 
Methodist ministry into loyal workmen in the church." A telegram asked for 
"someone who is basically loyal to evangelical traditions and the heritage of 
Methodism and is not ashamed of them."^ 

President Tate convened the Trustee Committee for the School of Theology 
which authorized him to proceed with a search for a new dean.^ Hemdon Wagers 
of the Perkins faculty was asked to be the faculty person responsible for 
consulting with the President, to chair the faculty search committee, and to 
secure recommendations from other faculty.^ 

A total of forty-five names were submitted to the Trustee Committee. These 
included the faculty committee's first choice, Joseph D. Quillian, Jr. The forty- 
five were narrowed to five — three from the faculty (including Quillian) and two 
from the outside. President Tate, who made the final choice to recommend to 
the Board of Trustees, selected Quillian, and the Board of Trustees in turn 
formalized the election.'" 

Who was Joseph Dillard Quillian, Jr.? One way to put it for many Methodists 
is to say that he was one of the Georgia Quillians, a Methodist family that 
produced a long line of clergy, educators, attorneys, and judges (including Paul 
W. Quillian, who had been due to come to Perkins after a long pastorate at First 
Methodist in Houston but had died of a heart attack before his appointment 
began). Joseph D. Quillian, Jr., is among the eight Quillians listed in the 1952 
edition of Who's Who in Methodism}^ 

THE QuiLLiAN years: 1960-69 127 

Joseph D. Quillian, Jr. (commonly known as "Joe") was bom in Buford, 
Georgia, in January 1917, the son of Justice Joseph D. Quillian of the Supreme 
Court of Georgia and Jeannette Evans Quillian. He earned the B. A. degree from 
Piedmont College (1938), the B.D. from Vanderbilt (1941), and the Ph.D. from 
Yale (1951). In December 1944, he was married to Elizabeth Mary Sampson; 
their children are Suzanne Elizabeth, Alma Jeannette, Mary Shannon, Joseph 
Dillard III, and Ellen Evans. Quillian was a pastor in Tennessee ( 1 938-42) and 
Connecticut (1946-50) and a chaplain in the U. S. Naval Reserve (1942^6). 
After completing his graduate work, he served as President of Martin College 
in Pulaski, Tennessee, from 1950 to 1954. In fall 1954, he became Professor at 
Preaching and Worship at Perkins School of Theology.'' 

President Tate, in a letter to the ministers of the South Central Jurisdiction of 
the Methodist Church, described him as being "effectively practical in his 
philosophy and attitude toward the pastoral ministry," "attractive to scholar, 
layman, minister, and student, showing a sensitivity to direction, yet firmness 
in administration."'^ Reflecting on his beginning as Dean many years later, 
Quillian concluded that his two predecessors had brought different strengths to 
the office. Eugene Hawk had emphasized the relationship of the School to the 
church; Merrimon Cuninggim had been largely an "inside Dean, developing 
the school as an academic institution." "I knew," he writes, "that I had to try to 
hold all of the notable inside gains that had been made during Dean Cuninggim' s 
tenure, and to maintain the momentum. I also knew that I had to work at 
restoring our relationship with the Church and to make major gains in financial 
development. It was a presumptuous undertaking, but a necessary one, to try 
to do both kinds of work in which my two immediate predecessors had 

The State of Perkins School of Theology 

When Dean Quillian reflected on his more than twenty years as Dean, not long 
before retirement, he concluded that he had "succeeded fairly well in doing 
what I had set out to do — but only fairly well."'^ He gave two reasons for his 
success, the first of which was a tribute to his predecessor's building of the 
faculty. When he became Dean, Quillian observed, "I probably had fewer 
inside problems on basic matters than any other long-term dean of a major 
seminary. If I had been serving a Faculty of sub-par quality, and with a 
disposition to cabals and contentions, etc., I simply could not have lasted."'^ 
The other reason he gave was "the understanding, sensitive and superb support 
of Mrs. Perkins and the growing understanding and support of officials, 
ministers, and laypersons in the church and of benefactors that I inherited from 
Dean Hawk and quite a few new ones that I came to know."'^ 


We have already seen how the church in the area had been growing in its 
suspicions of Perkins, and the new Dean faced not only an immediate problem 
but one that would occupy much of his attention throughout his twenty-one 
years as Dean. Another problem the school faced was that its endowment had 
not increased substantially beyond the original and subsequent gifts of Mr. and 
Mrs. Perkins.'^ A third problem was a declining number of students. The 
number of students enrolled in the fall semester was 415 in 1958. The decline 
then set in so that by 1963 the number had fallen to 353.^^ The largest number 
of B .D. graduates occurred in May 1 955, with a total of 92,^*^ and then the number 

Part of this decline after 1959 can be attributed to the opening of St. Paul 
School of Theology (United Methodist) in 1959 in Kansas City. There is no 
question that this new seminary siphoned off some potential students from 
Kansas and Nebraska. The enrollment of St. Paul increased from 5 1 in its 
opening year to 164 in 1963.^' In the Dean's statement to the faculty at the 
opening on 21 September 1961, he envisioned a B.D. enrollment at Perkins of 
340 to 360 each year.-' The actual number of B.D. students in 1961 was 302.^^ 

From the beginning, as we have seen, Quillian was much aware of the 
peculiar responsibility Perkins had to its constituent church, the Methodist 
Church, later United Methodist. He said in his first public statement, a short 
time before actually assuming the deanship, the following: 

One way to speak of the great inclusive hopes of the Methodist Church in 
the South Central Jurisdiction is in terms of EVANGELICAL EFFEC- 
TIVENESS. This means no other than the expectation and desire that the 
Gospel of Jesus Christ, the Evangel, transform and sustain us, that we may 
be thankful and faithful members of His Church, the community of 
redeemed and obedient servants of God.^"* 

In a somewhat later statement he made it clear to the faculty that he 
understood a seminary to be more than an academic institution. A great semi- 
nary, he said, 

is a community of devout teaching, learning, worship, and fellowship in 

which those who are there build each other up in Christian being and living. 

A great seminary is a community where some, for the first time, come into 

life in Christ in conscious awareness, and where all are increased in life in 


Joe Quillian was neither naive nor unrealistic, but it is perhaps just as well 
that he could not envision all the problems that would arise during the following 
twenty-one years. He knew that the job of Dean was a formidable one, but 
fortunately he had no crystal ball to see all the problems that would emerge. We 

THE QuiLLiAN years: 1960-69 129 

shall look at some of these in the pages that follow; but first we need to examine 
the faculty and staff changes that occurred during the 1960s. 

The Faculty 

One of the legacies which Dean Cuninggim left for his successor was a superior 
and relatively stable faculty. The Board of Trustees was told in 1964 that this 
was one of the accomplishments of Perkins School of Theology — the faculty 
had stayed together and had not been "raided" by other schools.-^ It was a white, 
male faculty, however, and remained that way at the end of the decade (1969). 
Over the years, a few women had taught on a visiting basis, and there had been 
women on the library staff — the first theology librarian, in fact, from 1924 to 
1950, was Mrs. Kate Wamick. The support staff — secretaries and administra- 
tive assistants — were also women and often were the ones who carried on the 
work of an office while the male head was either teaching or otherwise engaged 
in the work of outreach. By the end of the decade, pressure was mounting to 
secure minority and women faculty, but the first response did not occur until 

1960-61 . Faculty appointments for Quillian ' s first year were due to Cuninggim 
searches. One retirement occurred in June 1961 : Mrs. John H. (Kate) Wamick 
who came to the University library in 1919 and to the theology library in 1924. 
After her retirement, she stayed on until 1979 as curator of the Methodist 
Collection.^^ The new faculty were Frederick S. Carney in Ethics, Franklin 
Littell in Church History, W. J. A. (Bill) Power in Old Testament, William C. 
Robinson in New Testament, and James M. Ward, also in Old Testament. 
Robert Anderson came also in 1960 with his appointment being in the School 
of the Arts but as organist for Perkins Chapel. 

Unofficially Quillian asked former Dean Hawk, who had no relationship to 
the School during Cuninggim' s tenure, much to the latter' s concern, to return 
as advisor to the Dean. He did so and regularly came to his office until his death 
in 1963.'' 

1961-62. Quillian's first appointments were for 1961-62, including a re- 
placement for himself in the field of Worship and Preaching, James F. White. 
Thompson Shannon, formerly pastor of First Community Church of Dallas, 
was an addition in the field of Pastoral Theology (Counseling). Two staff 
positions, the former with faculty status, were also filled. Edmund B. Deane 
came as Assistant Director of Field Education, and Elizabeth Twitchell became 
Assistant Bridwell Librarian.'^ 

James Phillip Hyatt and James W. May were added summer school visitors.^^ 
Albert Outler was elected a member of the SMU Faculty Senate, and became 
the first of many Perkins faculty members to hold this University office.^' 


1962-63. Floyd Curl resigned from Perkins in 1962 as Director of Field 
Education, and Marvin Judy took the position temporarily with Edmund Deane 
continuing as assistant. Klaus Penzel, in Church History, was the only full-time 
faculty addition. Luis Martin of the SMU history faculty, Kenneth F. Thomp- 
son, and John W. Wevers taught during the summer. ^^ 

Tom Marsh, Professor of Speech for more than fifteen years, became the 
third faculty member to die in office, in March 1962.^'' (The other two were 
Frank Seay and Paul Root.) 

1963-64. For the first time in many years, there were no new faculty 
appointments for 1 963-64. Heinz-Dieter Knigge was a visiting lecturer in New 
Testament, and during the year Charles Johnson resigned and Lloyd Pfautsch 
became full-time in the Division of Music of the Meadows School of the Arts. 
New summer visitors included H. Jackson Forstman and Niels C. Nielsen.^'* 

1964-65. Bishop W. C. Martin assumed the position of "Bishop in Resi- 
dence" (though the term was not used officially until several years later) after 
his retirement from the Fort Worth-Dallas area of the Methodist Church. The 
duties of the Bishop were to be the advisor to students on their conference 
relationships and advisor to the Dean, and on occasion, to teach one or more 

New faculty included Ronald E. Sleeth, generally recognized then as a truly 
outstanding Professor of Preaching, and Carlton R. (Sam) Young as Director 
of the Church Music Program and the Seminary Singers.^*" Young was editor 
of The Methodist Hymnal (1964) and would later also edit the 1989 edition.^^ 

A large number of visiting faculty supplemented the regular faculty: Jesse 
Paul Ephraim, Bryan Forrester, James Hares, Raymond J. O'Keefe (summer), 
George Strieker, David Switzer (summer), Joseph B. Tyson, Bishop Edwin E. 
Voigt, Howard W. Washburn, and the University Chaplain, J. Claude Evans. 

Dean Eugene B. Hawk's life ended in the fall of 1963. At the time he was 
working on organizing his papers and getting historical material together. 
Hawk, who had served longer than any other dean to that time, died suddenly 
at home after having attended a dinner party at the home of Jackie Selecman 
(Bishop Selecman' s widow). He had gone home early and was found the next 
day lying across the bed with the radio still on the station that had broadcast the 
marvelous SMU-Navy football game, a game which SMU won, even though 
Roger Staubach was the star quarterback of the Navy team. (Mrs. Hawk was 
away visiting a son at the time of Dean Hawk's death.)"** 

A. W. Wasson, whose long association with the School of Theology began 
in the School's very early days, died during the same year. 

Hemdon Wagers became the first Associate Dean in 1964. Alsie Carleton, 
later Bishop, was selected as the Director of Field Education.^'' Marvin Judy 

THE QuiLLiAN years: 1960-69 131 

was made Director of the Center for Research and Planning. 

1965-66. New appointments for 1965-66 included Joe R. Jones in Philo- 
sophical Theology and H. Edward Everding as visiting Lecturer in New 
Testament. Travis Jordan became Assistant Librarian with faculty rank, and 
Kenneth Pepper went to the Institute of Religion in Houston, with which 
Perkins was affiliated."" Additional summer school faculty included Thomas T. 
Love and D. Moody Smith, Jr. The long-time secretary and Administrative 
Assistant to the Dean, Warrene Nettles, retired in 1966 but stayed on as Eunice 
Baab's successor as Director of Housing. 

1966-67. Richard T. Murray was appointed to the faculty in Christian 
Education and as Director of Continuing Education in 1966 but was on leave 
for the year to do further graduate study. David Robertson began a teaching stint 
in Old Testament, and Frederick Streng came on a joint appointment with the 
University in History of Religions. Visiting faculty included Viktor E. Frankl, 
Friedrich Gogarten, and Charles Hartshome.'*' 

Changes occurred in administration: Hemdon Wagers became Director of 
the Graduate Program in Religious Studies, and H. Neill McFarland assumed 
the post of Associate Dean. A few months later, however, President Tate asked 
McFarland to become acting Provost (later Provost); David Switzer followed 
him in the Associate Dean's office in the fall of 1967. 

Roger Ortmayer resigned effective 31 August 1966. An unusually large 
number of deaths occurred among former faculty: Robert W. Goodloe on 22 
September 1966; J. S. Seneker on 2 April 1967; and Ivan Lee Holt, a member 
of the first School of Theology faculty, on 12 January 1967.'*" 

1967-68. Richard (Dick) Murray began his work in the fall of 1967, both in 
teaching and in developing a program in Continuing Education. William S. 
Babcock assumed a post in Church History. In the meantime Thompson 
Shannon resigned to become President of the Institute of Religion in Houston. 
Visiting faculty included Robert O. Cooper, William Paul McLean, and 
Charles A. Rogers. An additional clinical supervisor was added, Andrew G. 
McDonald of Parkland Hospital."'' 

1968-69. Bishop Paul E. Martin succeeded Bishop William C. Martin as 
Professor of Practical Theology and, using a later designation. Bishop in 
Residence (at that time Counselor to Students on Conference Relations). James 
B. McGrath was now listed as a regular member of the faculty (though his 
primary teaching was in the Meadows School of the Arts). Claudia Robinson 
taught a course in drama. She had been a teacher of drama and a director in the 
prestigious Northwestern University School of Speech and Drama. 

Bishop William C. Martin was no longer an active member of the faculty. 
Van Harvey resigned on 30 June 1968, and Schubert Ogden went to the 


University of Chicago as University Professor, a prestigious appointment, at 
the end of the year. (He returned to the Perkins faculty at the beginning of the 
1972-73 academic year, expressing his desire to be more fully involved in 
preparing leaders for the church.) And finally a staff member, Elsa Cook, who 
had made a deep impression on students because of her work with them in the 
office of the Counselor to Students' office, retired in 1967."*^ 

Alsie Carleton was elected bishop in 1968 by the South Central Jurisdiction, 
and therefore a change in leadership for field education had to be made. 

1969-70. The final year of the 1960s resulted in several additions. Claus 
Rohlfs succeeded Carleton as Director of Field Education. David Robertson 
resigned, but three additional faculty members helped fill in the gaps: Harville 
Hendrix in Pastoral Counseling, Leroy T. Howe in Philosophical Theology, 
and William M. Longsworth in Christian Ethics."*^ 

At the 27 September 1969 faculty conference, Albert Outler reported as 
Chair of the Theological Study Commission of the United Methodist Church, 
a report made to the 1972 General Conference.'*^ 


In his report to the faculty for 1961, Dean Quillian said: "The time has come 
for a 'from-the-grass-roots up' re-examination of our purpose as a seminary, 
against the background of which we may set about whatever restructuring of 
the curriculum and re-order of our procedures that may seem to us to be 
advisable."'*^ At the meeting at which the Dean' s report was made, Joseph Allen 
proposed that such a move be made, and set up six meetings throughout the year 
for these purposes."*^ 

The discussion took two related directions, in addition to the general 
discussion of the nature and purpose of Perkins: the course of study (what 
courses ought to be required) and Field Education (how students would get their 
practical experience). The report was almost completed by the faculty meeting 
of 9 November 1962,"*^ and Allen made the formal report on 7 December 1962. 

One of the problems the committee had addressed was the excessive number 
of required courses, two-thirds of the total to be taken for the B.D. degree. Their 
solution was to drop all required courses and substitute a series of comprehen- 
sive examinations in the previously required area of study. Syllabi, bibliog- 
raphies, and sample exams were to be provided for students' study, with 92 
semester hours of course work, to be arranged in whatever way the student 
might want. (Courses on Methodism were required for Methodist students. )^° 

Additional requirements added later included a biblical exegesis paper^' and 
an oral preaching exam.^^ The new curriculum was made mandatory in 1964." 

What began to happen immediately was that students with the fearful 

THE QuiLLiAN years: 1960-69 133 

prospect of comprehensive examinations three years ahead almost invariably 
took the old graduate requirement courses which gave them preparation for a 
particular examination. The students feared the exams; the faculty looked with 
horror on having to read them; and therefore no one accepted them with any 

In any case, one of those strange but common events occurred at the fall 
faculty conference in 1965 (the second year of the new course of study). The 
faculty had spent hours discussing some topic. The matter of the examinations 
came up for discussion, and after a brief time. Van Harvey moved that the 
exams no longer be required. With almost no further discussion the faculty 
voted by a large majority, if not unanimously, in favor of the motion.^'* 

This is not quite the end of the matter, for on 10 May 1966 the faculty voted 
to substitute a "Senior Colloquy" for the comprehensives and adopted the first 
topic for 1967, "Studies in Vatican Two."^^ The colloquy would employ a 
number of lecturers, as well as discussion, and would draw heavily on Albert 
Outler's participation in the Second Vatican Council of the Roman Catholic 
Church. The written requirement was a project paper, from twenty-five to 
thirty-five pages in length.^'' 

Nor is this quite the end of the matter. A few months later the faculty also 
voted out the preaching exam since most students took a course in which 
practice preaching was involved." In addition to the senior colloquy, which 
was held for several years, there had been a provision for a "senior seminar." 
This too was dropped, and a senior retreat took its place. Held first on 1 1-12 
May 1967, its purpose was to provide a culminating experience for the 
student' s three years of study. This too was dropped after being held for several 

If this account seems somewhat opportunistic, it should be noted that the 
faculty, or at least part of it, was aware of this fact. At a faculty meeting in early 
September 1966, the minutes contain this terse analysis: "Mr. McFarland 
presented a paper on the rationale for the present curriculum, or the lack of such 
a rationale. Various problems were discussed by the faculty."^^ 

Field Education 

Organized "field work" (later "field education") had begun under A. W. Martin 
in the 1940s. No aspect of the Perkins curriculum has had a more checkered 
career. Everyone seemed to agree that students needed to be exposed to the 
work of the local church and social agencies. But how? As we saw in Chapter 
10, the faculty spent an incredible amount of time during the 1950s trying to 
come up with a viable program. By 1959 an elaborate system was in place and 
actually remained until 1963. As the Perkins Catalog described the program. 


the first year consisted of an orientation "course" with various lectures and 
panel discussions, and consultations between faculty advisors and student 
advisees. The entire faculty was involved, and part of its outcome depended on 
how seriously a particular faculty member considered this drain on time. 

Advanced field education consisted of projects chosen by the student and 
approved by the Field Education office. There was both a junior convocation 
on the ministry, meeting for one hour per week with the Dean in charge, and 
a senior seminar also on the ministry.'''' 

For reasons which are hazy to me, the required participation was dropped in 
1963 and the catalog now stated that students were expected to participate in 
a local church but did not specify how. There was also a planned program of 
visitation to synagogues. Catholic and Orthodox churches, and social agen- 
cies.^' The seminar remained the same until 1965." 

In 1965 the requirement was again changed. "Every Methodist student who 
is a candidate for the B.D. degree will be required to work for at least one 
semester in a church-related position before receiving his degree."^^ The one 
exception was working for a social agency instead of a local church. Students 
not fulfilling the requirement before the beginning of the senior year would be 
assigned to a "pastoral training group" in a Dallas church. A two-semester-hour 
course on the parish ministry accompanied the doing of the local church stint. 
Faculty were asked to visit student pastors, and a seminar accompanied both the 
fall semester of the junior year and the fall semester of the senior year.*^ 

The requirement was increased to five units of credit in 1966, including visits 
to local church and social agencies; the senior seminar was moved to the spring 
semester.^^ Later, this senior seminar became a weekend retreat.^^ The intern 
program was projected by the self-study Curriculum Committee in 1 968-69, 
and we will consider that major change in connection with the self-study. 


All that has been said about curriculum pertains directly to the B.D. (later 
M.Th., then M.Div.) degree. The M.R.E. degree has always paralleled the basic 
degree, and modifications in one often brought changes in the other. The 
interest of the total faculty has always been in the B.D.-M.Th.-M.Div. degree, 
and its development has occupied a major part of faculty time and attention. 
Almost from the beginning of the school, a joint B.D.-M.A. program was 
available and was continued for many years. As we have seen, at one time there 
was a Master of Church Administration (M.C.A.) degree for persons not 
expecting to be ordained, and for a few years a stopgap Bachelor of Religious 
Education existed. This was followed by the M.R.E. in 1950. Six years later, 
in 1956, the S.T.M. (Master of Sacred Theology), a post-B.D. degree, came into 

THE QuiLLiAN years: 1960-69 135 

being and persisted until after the Doctor of Ministry (D.Min.) degree was 
adopted in 1973. 

The Master of Sacred Music degree (M.S.M.) was inaugurated during 
Cuninggim's deanship, with its first students entering in 1960. It was under the 
direction of Lloyd Pfautsch, who later went to the Division of Music and was 
succeeded by Carlton R. Young. 

A joint degree with the Meadows School of the Arts, the M.S.M. program has 
trained church musicians of various denominations for almost thirty years and 
is one of the few such programs of study remaining. The presence of the music 
students in the Perkins student body has been genuinely enriching, and the 
further extension of this program requires only more endowment and more 
adequate facilities for its housing. 

Another degree located in the SMU Graduate School but developed with a 
great deal of effort by the Perkins faculty is the Ph.D. in Religion (later 
Religious Studies), begun in 1965 largely through the efforts at the beginning 
of Dean Quillian.^ '' It had been talked about for a decade, and the first graduation 
took place in 1970.'' 

Bridwell Library 

Dean Hawk brought the young Decherd Turner to be Bridwell Librarian in 
1 950. At that time the library had a collection of fewer than 40,000 volumes and 
spent under $ 1 2,000 for the academic year 1 950-5 1 .^'^ By 1 970 the number of 
volumes had increased to 1 3 1 ,242, with an annual expenditure of $3 1 ,976 for 
books only.™ By 1977 the number of volumes had reached 172,979, and the 
annual expenditure for books, periodicals, and binding was $509,954.^' 

Decherd Turner's genius consisted of more than building a working hbrary. 
He also believed that a library was a repository of the records of civilization and 
that in the long run this was the more important function.^" We have noted in 
earlier chapters the acquisitions of certain collections, but all of these were 
dwarfed in 1962 by the acquisition of the Bridwell-DeBellis collection of 
Incunabula (fifteenth-century books printed with movable type). 

The story of the acquisition of this collection is worth telling in some detail. ^'^ 
Mr. Eugene McElvaney, chair of the Board of Trustees, received word that a 
collection of fifteenth-century printing was available from a Mr. Frank V. 
DeBellis in California. He called Dean Quillian about it, who in turn called 
Turner. Turner, not really believing that a collection of any value existed, went 
with some skepticism to McElvaney' s office and began going through the list. 
After a short time, he called the Dean and in his intense excitement said, "It's 
either the cleverest con job I've ever seen, or the most wonderful collection of 
incunabula I can imagine." 


Convinced that it was worth looking into, Turner then went to California to 
see the collection. He telephoned back to the Dean and again with the 
excitement that only he could express over books said, "It' s unbelievable — but 
it's real." 

DeBellis, it turned out, was an ItaUan immigrant who had made a fortune in 
real estate. He had begun his collection many years earlier, and now it was 
estimated to be worth two million dollars. He needed cash, however, and in 
order to keep the collection intact was willing to sell it for $100,000. 

After Turner returned from California, the Dean called a high level meeting 
with J. S. Bridwell, President Tate, former Dean Hawk, Earl Hoggard, Sterling 
Wheeler, Dean Quillian, Eugene McElvaney, and Turner. "We don't know 
where we'll get the money," McElvaney observed. "I'm able to contribute 
some, and Mr. Turner has promised several thousand dollars out of his meager 
salary." Immediately, Quillian turned to Mr. Bridwell and said: "We ought to 
give Mr. Bridwell the first chance to help us." Whereupon Bridwell, who was 
acquiring a taste for rare books, observed, "Yes, I think I can manage that. I'll 
give $50,000 immediately and a similar amount a short time later." 

Bridwell then said, "Let's get that man [DeBellis] on the telephone right now 
and strike the deal. He might drop dead of a heart attack." Turner placed the call 
and introduced DeBellis and Bridwell, who soon agreed to the terms of the 
collection's sale. 

Bridwell then turned to Turner and asked, "Decherd, how are you going to 
move the books?" Turner replied, "We'll have to break up the collection and 
bring them to Dallas in various ways. We can't afford to endanger these 
foundation stones of Western civilization." Quillian thought that Turner was 
saying this for Bridwell' s benefit, and since the two often shared moments of 
humor, Quillian looked toward Turner for such a moment now. When he looked 
at Turner, however, the Dean realized there was absolutely no humor in his 
remark. "This was," Quillian concluded, "an utterly sacred moment for 

The original DeBellis collection consisted of 208 titles.^"* The idea of great 
books printed in the fifteenth-century caught the imagination of a West Texas 
rancher turned bibliophile, and he continued to add to the collection. After his 
death the Bridwell Foundation provided one million dollars for Turner to spend 
on rare books, and other gifts followed. Eventually the collection was tripled 
in size, and according to experts is one of the very finest collections of fifteenth- 
century printing between the East and West coasts. 

Collections tend to draw other collections, and this is what occurred at 
Bridwell Library. As Roger Ortmayer, editor of the Perkins School of Theology 
Journal, put it: "We have asked much from him [Decherd Turner] and received 

THE QUiLLiAN years: 1960-69 137 

even more. We were not quite prepared, however sanguine our expectations, 
for the bibhographical eruption we have witnessed this year."" 

Mr. Everett L. DeGolyer, Jr., followed the Bridwell-DeBellis collection with 
a copy of the Nuremberg Chronicle (1493).^'^ And, as Mr. Ortmayer continued, 
"We had scarcely recovered our balance when along came the Levi A. Olan 
Collection."" The books, presented on the occasion of Rabbi Olan's sixtieth 
birthday, consisted of fifty-five volumes representing ten titles of rare books 
from the fifteenth, sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries, with one 
special edition from the 1960s.^^ To these were added the Aldine Dante, given 
by Mr. and Mrs. Paul P. Steed, Jr. Published in 1502 in Venice, the book 
consisted of a collection of "Le Terze Rime di Dante."^'' The final acquisition 
during the academic year 1962-63 was a copy of the 1602 Bishops' Bible, 
given by the library itself in honor of Dean Emeritus Eugene B. Hawk^° and 
presented at the Alumni Luncheon during Ministers' Week. 

Other special collections soon followed, including (in 1964) the Harrison 
Bible Collection brought together by Thomas J. Harrison of Pryor, Oklahoma. 
In 1971, Turner was able to acquire thirty-one consecutive leaves from the 
Gutenberg Bible (ca. 1454), from the book of Jeremiah, through the generosity 
of Mr. and Mrs. Carr P. Collins, Jr., their friends and family.^' By 1980, the 
Board of Trustees established a policy requiring a two-thirds vote of the Board 
to permit the deaccessioning of any rare book in Bridwell Library. Nineteen 
special collections are listed. Books from forty special presses are also included 
in the Trustees' policy.^^ 

But to focus solely on the library's special collections is to miss the crucial 
role played by Turner and the library in fulfilling the research and study needs 
of faculty and students. Turner put it thus: 
These are some of the facets of Bridwell Library. Not all of its treasures are 
seen in the colorful rows of volumes in the "W. R. Nicholson Reading 
Room" nor between the bright covers of the items in the "Annie Young 
Hughey Periodical Room." Some are under lock and key in the Rare Book 
Room. Yet its greatest treasures have a far less grandiose setting — when 
someone seeks information, and the staff is able to match the right book 
with the right person at the right time, the result is the greatest treasure of 

The 1960s: A Summary 

The 1960s were years of consolidation for Perkins School of Theology. The 
revolution under Merrimon Cuninggim necessitated a time of assimilation and 
maturing. Quillian knew that his first task was to begin to solidify relationships 
with the church, and he went about doing just that. His style of operation was 


a kind of benevolent paternalism, nudging, sometimes being more assertive, 
always standing by ready to pick up the pieces which he had to do on many 
occasions in the following decade. 

Student unrest was by and large still to come at SMU, though it had begun 
in the mid-1960s elsewhere.^" It did not reach its heights in Dallas until 1972,^^ 
matters which we shall examine in the following chapter. 

The assassination of President Kennedy in Dallas on 22 November 1963 
brought a rare collective response to public events from the Perkins faculty. The 
faculty responded to Mayor Earl Cabell's call to community concern by 
adopting a statement containing these words: "We pray that Dallas will be 
remembered not simply as the scene of President Kennedy's death, but that his 
death will be recalled as an event in which the city began a new and more 
authentic life."^^ 

President Tate responded for the University by asking the Law and Theology 
faculties and selected faculty from other schools to sponsor public dialogues on 
the problems the city faced. Douglas Jackson of the Theology faculty, Johnnie 
Marie Grimes, and Jo Fay Godby formed the committee. ^^ Growing out of this 
temporary project was a new concern by the University for the Dallas 
community under the continuing leadership of Mrs. Godby. 

Externally, Dean Quillian's positive and knowledgeable interaction with the 
churches re-solidified a somewhat weakened relationship with congregations 
in the South Central Jurisdiction during the 1960s. The decade was not a time 
of great internal change for Perkins, however. The next revolution occurred 
only when there was a complete restudy of governance, curriculum, and student 
life in 1968-69, a study which propelled the School into new life and new 
patterns of endeavor. 


The Quillian Years: 

In the U. S. civil rights movement of the 1950s, truly a remarkable period of 
.\merican histon\ the non-violent tactics of Martin Luther King. Jr.. by and 
large prevailed. In the 1 960s. however, both the cities and the campuses erupted 
in violence. In the cities the slowness of or the failure to earn, out reform led 
to minority frustration, and actions on the campuses were triggered partly by 
these same frustratioiis but much more by the fact that the Vietnam War 
dragged on and on. 

The years from 1966 to 1970 were especially difficult, leading one com- 
mentator to write of 1970: "American society became increasingly fragmented 
into mutually hostile groups, based on such facts as class status, age, race, and 

The violence affected some of the most prestigious universities in the 
countn. : Harv ard. Cornell. Dartmouth. Columbia. Stanford. Indiana Univer- 
sity . Ohio State University' — and eventually Kent State Unix ersity. on 4 May 
1970. Schools in Texas remained remarkably calm, although Rice University 
students refused to accept a new President in 1969. leading to his resignation.* 

SMU had few protests during the early years of student unrest and they 
remained non-violent.'' The first open protest, so far as I can determine, 
occurred in April 1 969. and was a sit-in in a temporary girls" dormitor>'. Tower 
Hall, protesting the lack of visitation rights by male students in female- 
occupied rooms. The students were judged guilty by the Student Judiciary but 
given no penalt>'.'' 

About the same time a more serious incident occurred. The BLAACS 
organization (Black League of Afro- American and African College Students) 
presented eight "demands" to the University on 23 April 1969. The demands 
dealt w ith such maners as the request that Afro-American smdents be em- 
ployed to recruit students, that more financial aid be made available, that the 
Uberal studies program include courses dealing with the accomplishments of 
black people, that a program of Afro- American studies be developed, and so on. 
President Tate took the requests quite seriously, consulted broadly concerning 
the list, and instigated plans for implementing as many as possible.^ 



One year later, on 30 April 1970, the United States invaded Cambodia, and 
there followed the most intense series of protests yet mounted on U.S. cam- 
puses. At Kent State University, in Kent, Ohio, students made a window- 
smashing march into the town and burned the campus ROTC building. On May 
4, National Guardsmen were called to disperse a noon rally of 2,000 anti-war 
demonstrators, leading to the deaths of four students and the wounding of nine 
others. As a result of what happened at Kent State, it is estimated that 760 
campuses experienced strikes or demonstrations, many accompanied by vio- 

Included in the protests was the largest yet held on the SMU campus, non- 
violent but involving deep feeling.^ The Dallas Morning News described the 
ceremony as follows: 
Students bearing four black cardboard coffins, draped with the American 
flag and representing the four students killed in the Monday confrontation 
between Kent State demonstrators and National Guardsmen, marched into 
the crowd and placed the coffins in front of the building [Dallas Hall] . Then 
listened to speeches.* 

President Tate spoke at the flagpole after the student-planned service in 
Perkins Chapel on May 6. In in his remarks, he said: 
I know you want to do something. I know you need to express how you feel. 
I am here to protect you against any intimidation in your right to express 
your deep feelings. I am sure you know that violence will damage the 
structure of this academic community. Each of you, however, will be 
protected from other students or outsiders as you express in a nonviolent 
way, your hurt over this terrible tragedy.^ 

One additional demonstration occurred, without violence but one that could 
easily have led to open confrontation. On 9 May 1972, twenty-two students 
occupied Perkins Administration Building, protesting the continued escalation 
of the Vietnam War. Beginning in the late afternoon, they remained for ten and 
one-half hours, well into the early morning. President Tate remained in his 
office suite throughout the sit-in, and finally requested security guards to carry 
the students from the building.'" His basis for doing this was that they "were 
disrupting the University."" Demonstrations that are not disrupting, he ex- 
plained, were allowed. But soon the protests had run their course, as the de- 
escalation of the Vietnam War began. 

Why was SMU spared the violence that occurred on so many campuses? One 
reason is that SMU students generally have constituted a conservative group. 
Most Perkins students were too busy earning a living and going to school to 
spend much time in protest (there were exceptions, of course). President Tate 

THEQUiLLiAN years: 1969-81 141 

deserves a great deal of credit for the handling of the situations. He was student- 
oriented, and students knew it. He was open to their presence and would listen 
both to what they said and how they felt. We have already quoted his statement 
to students around the flagpole, and this was typical. 

What is perhaps just as significant is the fact that Tate had already begun 
opening the University's decision-making process to students, and newly 
elected members of shared governance met on 9- 1 October 1 970 to begin their 
work.'" Out of this process came radical changes in governance, especially in 
the case of Perkins School of Theology. 

Shared Governance at Perkins 

Dean Quillian had anticipated the President's action concerning shared gov- 
ernance, and the process of discussion occurred during 1968-69 at Perkins. As 
early as 8 December 1 967, the Dean projected a major self-study to accompany 
the University's self-smdy for the Southern Association and to prepare for the 
Association of Theological Schools' visit to Perkins in the early 1970s. '^ Four 
months later a tentative structure was presented with four committees: steering, 
curriculum, academic life, and administration.''* (The final names were Cur- 
riculum and Degrees, Academic Life and Work, and Organization and Admin- 
istration, or Governance.)'^ 

The three working committees were chaired by faculty: John Deschner for 
Governance; Fred Carney for Curriculum; and Ronald Sleeth for Life and 
Work (which became Community Life). The Steering Committee consisted of 
the three chairs and an additional member from each committee, chaired by the 
Dean."" All committees consisted of both faculty and student members. 

The committees went to work very quickly, and worked with diligence for 
almost a year. Although attempts were made to keep the community informed, 
both students and faculty not on the committees often felt left out. There was 
enough information provided, however, that the results did not come as a 
complete surprise to those not on the committees. 

Reports were made to the faculty on April 1 8, and student hearings and votes 
were set for April 29 and May 1 .'^ 

The Governance Committee's chief work was the creation of a Smdent- 
Faculty Senate to be the chief governing body of Perkins School of Theology. 
It was approved by the students on 1 May 1969 and adopted by the faculty on 
May 9.'* I wonder now how we who composed the committee dared to propose 
such a radical step — a form of governance in which most of the decision- 
making became a joint student-faculty matter. The Dean, of course, remained 
for administrative purposes the link of authority between school, administra- 
tion, and Board of Trustees. But the principal shared governance plan became 


such an ingrained practice in the school that only on a few occasions did he 
exercise this authority. The governance plan was put into effect immediately 
after the first Senate meeting held on 16 May 1969. Four student senators were 
already elected: Rex Shepperd, Mel Morgan, Mike Harper, and John Bengel. 
Roger Loyd had already been elected as a student member of the Committee 
on Curriculum.'^ 

The governance plan was set forth in a document called "Articles of 
Operation and By-Laws of the Perkins School of Theology." The principal 
writer was the chair of the committee, John Deschner, and it was a masterfully 
written document.^" Article II clearly states: "The Senate shall be the primary 
governing body of the Perkins School of Theology.""' Article VII lists items 
reserved for faculty action: admission of students to degree candidacy and 
approval of the granting of degrees, election of faculty to the Rank and Tenure 
Conmiittee, and application of academic policy decisions regarding individual 
students. Under the control of the Student Association Council (Article VII: 5) 
the gray areas that soon developed pertained mostly to the independence of 
Student Council committees to act without Senate supervision. 

"The Senate shall do its business," Article VII:1 states, "with a lively regard 
for the Perkins tradition that sizeable differences in judgment should be 
thoroughly discussed . . ." There was also a recognition that the Constitution 
and By-Laws of the University might supersede or restrict the actions of the 

The work of the Senate was carried out by seven "standing conmiittees" 
composed of faculty, administrators, students, alumni/ae, and a member of the 
Perkins Trustee Committee, who also became a member of the Senate."^ The 
committees were Academic Procedures, Community Life, Curriculum, Fac- 
ulty, Long Range Planning, Recruitment and Admissions, and School Rela- 
tions. Other committees were the Advisory Council, Faculty Committee on 
Rank and Tenure, Nominations, and a Student Committee on Faculty Evalu- 

In addition, there were also Student Council Committees, some of them 
completely independent, others responsible to the various Senate Standing 
committees. For example, the Worship Committee, a student committee with 
faculty members, was assigned to the Community Life Committee, of which 
I was chair.'"' It was my strong opinion that this committee had become almost 
completely independent over the years. I am still not sure of my motives in 
taking on the task of making this committee more responsible to the total 
community through Community Life. Perhaps it was due to the long years of 
suffering through worship that was either almost Anglo-Catholic or wildly 

THE QUiLLiAN years: 1969-81 143 

Students willing to give time to planning and carry out worship — and it 
required a great deal — were often quite "high church" in their understanding 
of worship. And even though I like liturgy — even ancient liturgy — I at times 
felt we moved beyond the Methodist tradition, especially as it existed in the 
South. So, encouraged by the President of the student body, I decided to insist 
that the Worship Committee develop its by-laws (mandated by the Senate) and 
include a clear recognition of its responsibility to the Senate and the Perkins 
community through the Community Life Committee. 

The result was that the chair and several members resigned, and for a long 
time I wasn't sure but that I would have to take over the work myself. 
Fortunately, a member of the Committee volunteered to become chair, and with 
the members remaining and some new people, the committee carried on. I 
really did not win the war, and I am not even sure I won the battle. It is true, 
however, that the committee did become more responsive to the entire 

A second incident that occurred during the second year of the operation of 
the Community Life Committee indicates how many students did not trust 
faculty. The committee was quite large and we set up an Executive Committee 
one of whose responsibilities was to set the agenda for the large group. Early 
in the year the vice-chair of the group, who was also a personal friend, came to 
me — rather embarrassed — and said, "Would you mind if I made out the 
agenda? [Name] is afraid you won't follow the executive committee's wishes 
in making it out." I found this highly amusing at the time, and even more so a 
few years later when I turned up as a member of the suspicious student' s Doctor 
of Ministry committee! 

The shared governance plan worked remarkably well during its first years. 
Although occasionally students and faculty lined up against one another, it was 
much more common for opposing sides to be a mixture of both. Most students 
took their assignments quite seriously and often brought a dimension of depth 
to the discussion. Either because they lost some of their enthusiasm or because 
they still felt overcome by faculty authority, the interest level seemed to lessen 
as the decade of the 1970s neared its end. The amount of student participation 
decreased, and in the early 1980s, the structure was modified. 

One of the problems for the faculty was that it had no opportunity for a 
discussion in decision making. Guild meetings were held regularly, and 
lunches and other faculty occasions at times, but many did not believe these 
were sufficient. In an evaluation of the process in 1981, Joe Allen pointed to 
factors which had radically changed the Perkins situation — not the process of 
decision making, which had been participatory in nature since the 1950s. What 
had changed were the structures of participation. 


Three factors were responsible, he wrote: the increase of the number of 
administrators, from seven or eight to more than twenty.^^ A second factor was 
the changes in faculty, so that only a dozen or so of the core faculty remained?^ 
And the third factor was the nature of the Senate, a body of some sixty faculty, 
administrators, alumni/ae, students, and the chair of the Perkins Board of 
Trustees Committee, almost doubling the deliberative body of the 1960s.^^ 
Allen concluded by admitting that this matter had never been a matter of serious 
faculty or Senate examination, and had only occasionally come out in informal 
faculty discussion.^^ 

A New Curriculum 

A second committee which worked through 1968-69 was concerned with 
curriculum. The results of the study were weighted heavily toward required 
courses in Biblical and Theological Studies, with eight semester hours each in 
Old and New Testaments; eight in History of Christianity; sixteen in Theology 
(Method, Moral, and Systematic); and four in History of Religion: a total of 
ninety-six required hours in course work, with a required internship in addi- 

Two unique features were introduced: first, a twenty-semester-hour sequence 
in "practical studies." An eight-semester-hour course called "Church and 
World" was required for the first year, described as "a critical psycho-social 
analysis of the physical and cultural environment, its influence upon develop- 
ing personalities and institution of ministry."^*^ 

The student's middler year included a new course called "Practical Theol- 
ogy" taken concurrently with the first semester of "The Ministry of the 
Church." The committee failed to develop much about what either of these 
courses should include. As described in the Perkins Catalog, "Practical The- 
ology" was "an historical and theological analysis of the church, its mission and 
ministry, with special consideration of what it means to be a professional 
church leader in the late twentieth century."^' "The Ministry of the Church" was 
a two-semester sequence "involving a critical analysis of the Church as a 
functioning community in which and from which ministry occurs."^" 

As the ministry course developed, it consisted of limited lectures and the 
practice of ministry in workshops and seminars. An attempt was made — 
impossible though it proved to be — to provide at least minimal understandings 
and skills in the total range of ministerial practice with specialists from the 
various fields leading seminars and workshops. The managing of the course 
was a massive administrative job and required the full time of one faculty 
member and limited time from many others. These courses were offered first 
in 1971-72. 

THE QuiLLiAN years: 1969-81 145 

Students reacted to the omnibus course almost entirely negatively. Faculty 
reaction was not much better. Most faculty preferred to teach in their own 
specialized fields. Students were not accustomed to such courses and did not 
quite know what to do with them. 

"Church and World" lasted two years. "Practical Theology" and "Ministry 
of the Church" persisted for only one. I am still not certain that the decision to 
abandon them was correct. It seemed to me that we were just emerging with 
something that was innovative and possibly important in seminary education. 
But the changes were made in 1972, and they were at best makeshift. 

Six areas of ministry were defined: Preaching, Worship, Pastoral Care, 
Church Education, Church and Society, and Church Organizational Behavior. 
Each student selected four of these areas, which meant that unless he or she 
opted to take other ministry courses as electives, two areas of ministry were 
missed altogether." A year later a seventh option was added. Evangelism, 
which meant that three areas were not required. This year also the graduation 
requirements were reduced to 72 semester-hours, with all four-semester-hour 
courses being changed to three.^"* Other changes occurred during the next few 
years, and we will examine these later. 

A second innovation fared better. This was the intern program, a requirement 
for each M.Th. student.^^ The first version required a minimum often weeks of 
work in a local church or in special instances some other setting. The purpose 
was understood as being 

to provide the student with the practical experience and instruction which 
is not available in the classroom, in order to help him gain insight, 
confidence, and poise in his role and function as a minister.^^ 

The principal supervision was provided by a local church person (usually the 
pastor) and a lay committee. Students in the same area met regularly with a 
psychological consultant and for occasional seminars with faculty members. 
The Perkins intern staff made the appointments, met regularly with students, 
and visited the field units. Claus Rohlfs did a masterful job of working out the 
details of a plan only partially formed by the committee. 

The ten-week period proved too brief, and within a few years such intern- 
ships were eliminated. More and more students, in fact, opted for nine months 
(or even twelve) so that for an increasing number of students the Perkins M.Th. 
program became four years long." 

The program is an expensive one, and Dean Quillian was required to raise 
special money for its support each year. As James Ward says in the special 
edition of the Journal honoring Quillian, "It takes a courageous dean to attempt 
such an enterprise. . . . However, Dean Quillian has never considered turning 


Academic Life and Work (and Community Life) 

A third committee for the 1968-69 seminary review was given a much more 
nebulous mandate. Much of what it considered overlapped one of the other 
committees, and its major contribution became its concern for the non- 
academic hfe of the Perkins community. 

Unlike many educational institutions, Perkins has always considered itself 
more than an academic center. Prior to its growth in size, much of this function 
was fulfilled by the free association of students both in the classroom and in 
other places. Although many students lived off campus and some had student 
charges, the quality of academic life was a natural outgrowth of common 
interests and concerns. 

When the School moved into its own quadrangle in 1950-5 1 , the conditions 
seemed to exist for a deeper experience of community. With half the students 
living in its own dormitories or apartment houses, we all rejoiced in the 
nearness to one another and hoped it would lead to genuine koinonia. During 
the early years of the new buildings, this seemed to work fairly well. Even so, 
many students lived off campus and some lived at their churches and commuted 
daily. Most students on campus had outside jobs, and spouses either worked off 
campus or cared for children. It was to deal with the separation, increased by 
the growing diversity of the student body, that the third committee directed its 

One of their resolutions was "that the student be a full partner in the academic 
enterprise at Perkins."^^ Serving on the Senate or on a committee helped in the 
realization of this goal but did not solve all the problems of the Perkins 

Other recommendations, referred to the new Community Life Committee, 
asked that Kirby Lounge be used as a commons room, that there be a weekly 
noon meal in Lois Perkins Auditorium, that there be monthly evening meals, 
that the kitchen of Selecman Lounge be remodeled to make such meals 
possible, and that a shared community day for work and play be planned."*" 
Community lunch had in fact been initiated the year before by James and 
Marilyn White and became (and remains) an important occasion for fellowship 
and for learning what is happening at Perkins. 

Worship at Perkins fared rather better than it did at many seminaries. Dean 
Quillian and faculty were frequently asked by people from other schools how 
this came about."' Yet attendance, which was usually quite good at the begin- 
ning of the year, tended to decline and often to be embarrassingly low by 
examination time. Quillian sometimes appealed to the faculty to be more 
faithful in worship participation, and a sizeable number of faculty were regular 
in doing so. 

THE QuiLLiAN years: 1969-81 147 

Further Curriculum Changes 

There is a curious phenomenon among faculty — or at least it has existed at 
SMU's School of Theology since its earliest days. The search for the perfect 
curriculum is as intense as the search for the Holy Grail in medieval times. 
Perhaps over the years the faculty has been looking for a symphony as they have 
worked on curriculum. Instead, the best that has emerged has been "variations 
on a theme." That theme was set in the beginning of the school: a classical 
German theological education consisting of Bible, church history, biblical, 
historical, systematic, and practical theology. 

Over the years various areas have been added, deleted, reclaimed, reshaped, 
and renamed. The core has held fast, however, and has saved the education of 
Perkins School of Theology from the aberrations to which some schools have 
subjected their students from time to time, in my opinion. I suspect that the best 
a school can do is to provide variations on a theme, with the variations as closely 
related to specific cultural and church needs as a faculty ' s ingenuity can devise. 

In any case revisions continued during the 1970s. A review began in the fall 
of 1973, and a number of issues were identified: the General Requirement 
Courses (GRCs) in ministry, the intern seminar, the location of the internship, 
the possibility of reducing hours in required courses, more intermediate courses 
in theology, and theological education for professions not requiring ordina- 

The changes, approved in January 1974, were minimal. Two courses in 
ministry were given three semester hours of credit each and required. Pastoral 
Care and Preaching. The other six functions were given either one and one-half 
semester hours, or in the case of Worship two and Church Music one. From this 
group six additional hours in ministry courses were mandatory, which still left 
two of the courses as elective. The satisfying of the requirement in the History 
of Christianity was made more flexible.'*^ 

The GRCs in ministry were later combined into three-semester-hour courses, 
with, for example. Education and Evangelism being made a single course of 
three semester hours."^ Ways of satisfying the church's Methodist requirement 
were still a matter of concern, but a revision was not adopted until 1980."^ 

The ministry courses again came under scrutiny in the self-study of the later 
1 970s in preparation for an Association of Theological Schools review in 1 980. 
The conclusion was that the changes which had been made "have not produced 
genuine satisfaction."'**' The definition of areas of ministry is a problem, the 
committee stated, and there is no way of giving "attention to the ministerial 
office construed as a single office.""^ 

A task force was set up in 1978 to deal specifically with the ministry core, and 
at first an integrative course called "Introduction to Ministry" was proposed.'*^ 


The objections to such a course, however, proved insurmountable and the final 
recommendation was that a plan already in existence be continued, namely, that 
exposure to areas of ministry not carried as courses be given during the 

In May 1 972, the faculty voted to add the Doctor of Ministry (D.Min.) degree 
to its curricular offerings. The degree was designed "to enable specially 
qualified and promising persons to achieve advanced competence in ministry 
for leadership in the church."^° Howard Grimes was named the first director of 
the D.Min. degree program, which required the completion of twenty-four 
semester hours beyond the first theological degree, including a practicum and 
a professional project, a written essay containing theological reflection on the 

The 1980 report of the Association of Theological Schools was by and large 
favorable, but questions were raised again concerning the ministry core, with 
no specific recommendations offered.^' 

And so again, during Quillian' s last year as Dean, another curriculum review 
committee was established by the Senate, a study to be reported to the Senate 
during the spring semester of 1982!^^ 

Changes in Faculty and Administration 

Though the faculty remained relatively stable during the 1960s, the 1970s 
brought a larger number of moves. The full-time faculty remained about the 
same size: thirty-seven on 1 January 1970, all Anglo males, ages 29 to 65, with 
an average age of 46.1. On 1 January 1980, there were thirty-five faculty 
members including thirty-one Anglo males, two African-Americans, one 
Hispanic, and one female, ages 31 to 64, an average of 50. Six of the thirty- 
seven listed in 1970 had retired: Baker, Cooper, Judy, Outler, Schoonover, and 
Wagers. Five had gone to other schools: Jones, Longsworth, Robinson, Sleeth, 
and Young. Two — Elliott and Hendrix — had entered private counseling prac- 
tice, and one, McGrath, now taught full-time in the School of the Arts. Eleven 
were new, and one had returned to the faculty after going to another school." 

The intern staff, who were eventually given faculty status, had grown from 
one (Claus Rohlfs), to five: Rohlfs, Emerick, Gilmore, Gwaltney, and Stewart. 
One was female and one was African-American.^'* The Bridwell Library staff 
was still incredibly small — Decherd Turner, Page A. Thomas, John Hooper, J. 
Mac McPherson, and Kate Wamick (as the curator of the Methodist Collec- 

The number of administrators had increased greatly. Seven of the adminis- 
trators also did some teaching. The total included the Dean, two Associate 
Deans, the Director of Academic Procedures, the Financial Officer, the Bishop 

THE QUILLIAN YEARS : 1 969-8 1 149 

in Residence, the five Directors and Associate Directors of the Intern Program, 
the principal officers of B rid well Library, the Director of the M.S. M. program, 
the Director of Continuing Education, the Director of the Mexican- American 
Program, the Director of the D.Min. program, the Director of Perkins Rela- 
tions, the Director of Development, and the Director of Community Life. The 
Director of the Ph.D. program was also a Perkins professor, and the Director 
of Black Studies was a temporarily vacant position. ^^ There were also sixteen 
members of the support staff (secretarial and administrative assistants) and a 
bookstore manager." 

1970-71. New faculty included Nathaniel L. Lacy, Jr., Practical Theology 
and Coordinator of Black Studies; William W. Mount, Jr., New Testament; 
Alfredo Nafiez, Mexican- American Studies; and Edwin E. Sylvest, Jr., History 
of Christianity. George Baker had retired; Bill Robinson had joined the faculty 
of Andover-Newton Theological School; and Charles Braden, former faculty 
member, died in 1 970. In addition there were seven clinical instructors working 
in the field of Pastoral Care, three new: George F. Roberts, Jr., David Erb, and 
Kenneth Pepper. Richard F. Vieth, Robert E. Ellen, Jr., and Edwin M. Byron 
taught part-time.^^ 

1971-72. J. B. Holt was elected Secretary of the General Conference in 
1972.^^ No new faculty were added in 1 97 1-72, and only three visiting faculty 
were included: Rabbi Levi A. Olan, John N. Flynn, and Lama Govinda. James 
Gwaltney became Associate Director of the Intern Program, Robert Bell was 
named Director of Perkins Relations, and Mike Harper served as Coordinator 
of Community Life. Leroy Howe became Associate Dean on 1 June 1972, and 
James Ward became acting Dean while Dean Quillian had a year' s leave. Floyd 
Curl had died prior to the beginning of the school year.^*^ 

1972-73. 1972 was a significant year as Perkins welcomed Phyllis A. Bird, 
in Old Testament, its first full-time female faculty member. Another important 
event was the return of theologian Schubert Ogden to the faculty from the 
University of Chicago.^' 

A third faculty member came under special circumstances. The post in 
Evangelism, a chair provided annually by Mr. and Mrs. Sol McCreless of San 
Antonio, had been vacant since the retirement of George Baker two years 
earlier. For only the second time, Dean Quillian used a special provision of the 
23 January 1970 "Guidelines" in dealing with what the Dean considered an 
emergency situation. The Senate had been unable to agree on an occupant for 
the chair. Dean Quillian, without benefit of a task force to make recommenda- 
tions to the Senate, invited George G. Hunter III for an official visit in May 
1 972. The Senate was still badly split, but the Dean recommended Hunter to the 
Provost, and he was duly invited to the faculty.''" In fairness to the Dean, it 


should be noted that this procedure was not often used. 

Bishop W. Kenneth Pope, who had just retired as Presiding Bishop of the 
Dallas-Fort Worth area, came as Bishop in Residence and Advisor on Confer- 
ence Relations.^^ Elaine Smith became Coordinator of Community Life.^ 
Craig Emerick joined the Intern Staff .^^ In addition there were twelve clinical 
instructors who dealt with "field units"^^ (groups of interns in geographical 
proximity) and 62 field instructors in local churches.^^ 

Albert Outler, the chair of the General Conference for a new theological 
statement for the United Methodist Church, led a lengthy discussion on the 
development of the statement.^^ Alfredo Nanez concluded many years of asso- 
ciation with Perkins School of Theology, the final three years as a full-time 
member of the faculty .^^ Paul Hardin was inaugurated as President of the 
University on 16 November 1972.™ 

1973-74. Since Dean Quillian had been on leave during 1972-73, no faculty 
appointments were made for 1973. Brooks Jones came from Scarritt College 
to be on the SMU Development Staff and was assigned to Perkins.^' Neill 
McFarland resigned as Provost of the University and returned to full-time 
teaching at Perkins.^" 

In May 1974, Dean Quillian issued a "manifesto" concerning future faculty 
and staff appointments: (1) they must be clearly needed; (2) they must be fully 
qualified; and (3) we must give ourselves time to search for qualified ethnic 
minorities and women." The search for women and minorities had been 
undertaken in earnest some time earlier, but now it was considered to be an even 
higher priority. Finding such persons was not easy since dozens of other 
seminaries were also looking for such quaUfied persons, and the results had 
been less than had been hoped for. 

The year 1974 was one of turmoil for the University. Paul Hardin had become 
president of the University two years earlier, and with no explanation was 
forced to resign on 1 8 June 1 974. Former President Tate, now Chancellor, was 
vacationing in Mexico, and the Board of Governors on the afternoon of June 
1 8 sent an airplane to bring him back to Dallas to become once again the interim 
President of the University. 

Marshall Terry describes this as Tate's "last great contribution to his 
University," "in the painful position of coming back as president to hold things 
together while the search for a new president went on again."^^ President Hardin 
became President of Drew University and continued there until 1989, when he 
became Chancellor of the University of North Carolina (Chapel Hill). 

1974-75. This was the year for two steps ahead in the employment of 
minorities. Nathaniel Lacy, an African- American, had come on the faculty in 
1970 but left to do graduate work after a few years. His successor was Zan W. 

THE QuiLLiAN years: 1969-81 151 

Holmes, a well-known African-American preacher who had also been a 
member of the Texas State Legislature. Although his principal work was as a 
member of the Intern Staff, he was given faculty status and made responsible 
for Black Studies. Roy D. Barton, a member of the Rio Grande Conference, 
became Director of the Mexican- American Program, also with faculty status, 
teaching Practical Theology. Mike Harper was made Director of Community 

Bishop Paul Martin, whose friendship with Mr. and Mrs. Perkins did much 
to direct their major giving to the School of Theology, died in February 1975, 
with his funeral at Highland Park United Methodist Church on February 17. 
Bishop Martin's body lay in state in Perkins Chapel with a walking cortege to 
the church consisting principally of faculty, staff, and students.^^ 

Albert Outler retired at the end of the 1974-75 academic year but was 
retained as Research Professor of Theology. He taught at least one course each 
year but gave most of his time to his work on the Wesley sermons, assisted by 
Wanda Smith, who became something of a Wesley authority herself." 

1975-76. James Zumberge, of the University of Nebraska at Lincoln, 
became President of SMU in the fall of 1975 and attended a part of the Perkins 
Senate Conference soon afterwards. He later met with the faculty at the October 
meeting of the Senate.^^ 

The largest turnover in the Perkins faculty in many years also occurred. 
Hemdon Wagers and Kermit Schoonover retired; Carlton Young went to 
Scarritt College; Joe Jones became Dean of the Graduate School of Religion of 
Phillips University; and William Mount resigned.^*^ Wesley Davis, Professor of 
New Testament from the 1930s to the 1960s, died on 29 October 1975.^° Roger 
N. Deschner, Minister of Music at First Methodist in Houston, succeeded 
Young as Director of the M.S.M. program.^' Virgil P. Howard became visiting 
Professor of New Testament. Many of these changes occurred late in the year, 
and hence replacements were not immediately available. 

James Gwaltney became Administrative Director of the Intern Program, and 
Emma (Trout) Justes was brought to the campus as an Associate Director of the 
Program.**^ Kenneth Black was assigned to Perkins by the central business 
office as Financial Officer.^"* Four visiting faculty helped fill the gaps: The 
Right Rev. Donald Davies, Jane M. Marshall, Rabbi Levi A. Olan, and 
DeForrest Wiksten.^'* 

Although the process of selecting new faculty had been in operation for some 
time, it was put in writing during the year. The first step in the process was the 
appointment of a student-faculty committee whose first job was to draw up a 
job description, which was then approved by the Senate (or modified or even 
returned to the committee). The committee then canvassed possibilities with as 


broad a search as possible. The committee discussed possibilities with the Dean 
and eventually recommended one candidate to him. The Dean visited the 
candidate personally and formed a judgment whether the person should receive 
further consideration; the Dean in turn made the recommendation to the Senate 
and the candidate came for a stated visit. After the visit the Senate took an 
advisory vote for the Dean, who in turn recommended the person to the Provost 
who then recommended the person to the Board of Trustees for election.^^ 

1976-77. This year was also one of changes for the faculty. Allen Lamar 
Cooper retired in 1976, and George Hunter became Director of the Section on 
Evangehsm of the United Methodist Church's Board of Discipleship on 1 
January 1977. Ronald Sleeth resigned to become President of West Virginia 
Wesley an University. Marvin Judy retired in 1977, and Fred Gealy died in 
December 1976. (He had just completed teaching a course at Perkins.) 

New faculty included Charles M. Wood in Theology, O. Eugene Slater as 
Bishop in Residence, Hans Dieter Betz as visiting professor of New Testament, 
and Merrill Abbey as visiting Professor of Preaching. Phyllis Bird became a 
member of the University Senate of the United Methodist Church in 1976.*^ 

1977-78. Harold W. Attridge, the first Roman Catholic member of the 
faculty, joined the New Testament department. Richard P. Heitzenrater, 
researcher of John Wesley's diaries and later editor of the Wesley Works 
Project, began teaching in Church History and Methodist Studies, and later 
became curator of Bridwell's Methodist collection. Virgil Howard was made 
a regular member of the New Testament faculty, and Martha Gilmore, a recent 
Perkins graduate, was appointed as a permanent member of the intern staff. 

Earl Marlatt died during the year. Bishop Pope became Bishop in Residence 
emeritus, and in 1978 William Longsworth went to Brite Divinity School in 
Fort Worth.'' 

1978-79. One new faculty member assumed responsibilities in September 
1978: David L. Watson in Evangelism. Both Robert Elliott and Harville 
Hendrix had gone into private counseling practice, and visiting faculty in 
Pastoral Care included Charles Steward, Herman Cook, and Heije Faber. Ruth 
Smith was added to the staff of Bridwell Library. '^ Tony Fadely served as 
Missionary-in-Residence for the year. 

In 1979, Kate Wamick retired for the second time after sixty years and six 
months of service to the SMU libraries, fifty-five of which had been to the 
School of Theology.*^ Her first retirement had been in 1961, so she had been 
curator of the Methodist collection for eighteen years past her sixty-fifth 

Emma Justes left in 1 979 to go to Garrett-Evangelical Theological Seminary, 
and Jim Ward again became Associate Dean. 

THE QUILLIAN YEARS: 1 969-8 1 153 

1979-80. With the departure of ElHott and Hendrix, it was decided that a 
reorganization of the Pastoral Care staff was in order.^*^ Two faculty members 
already at Perkins became the first two of a three-person staff: David Switzer 
who had been counseling chaplain, and Leroy Howe who shifted from 
Philosophical Theology to Theology and Pastoral Care. The report concerning 
the third position was that "a qualified woman will continue to be sought for the 
third appointment."'^' 

Zan Holmes, who had been on the Intern Staff, was approved for a position 
in Homiletics, to be on leave during 1 979-80 for further study. Richard Stewart 
was appointed to succeed Holmes on the Intern Staff, and Martha Gilmore, who 
had held a two-year term on that staff, now became an Associate Director of the 
program. Bill Matthews, after the departure of Bob Bell, became Director of 
Perkins Relations and Associate Director of Continuing Education.^" 

Charles B. Thomas (an African- American) was invited to a post in Sociology 
of Religion, and the Dean expressed his intention of making a Mexican- 
American appointment to the Intern Staff ^^ John Holbert was visiting Profes- 
sor of Old Testament.^" Charles R. Allen became Director of Development, and 
Barbara Ruth Director of Community Life. 

Perhaps the most shocking news of the year was Decherd Turner' s announce- 
ment that he would be leaving Bridwell Library after thirty years to become 
Director of the Harry Ransom Humanities Research Center, and University 
Professor, at the University of Texas at Austin.^^ Turner would now be 
searching for manuscripts rather than rare books. As the Dean put it, "one can 
hardly overestimate the work he has done at Bridwell Library"; it "has been 
with quality and style" and one can hardly "envision [his] being replaceable."^^ 

1980-81. After a careful search, however, a replacement was found for 
Turner, at Iliff School of Theology, in the person of Jerry D. Campbell." 
Campbell's style was different from that of Turner, and his interests were not 
identical, but he was an excellent librarian.''^ In August 1980, he was joined by 
Roger Loyd, a long-time friend and graduate of Perkins, as Associate Librarian. 

Ruth T. Bamhouse, a psychiatrist with theological training and an Episcopal 
priest, became the third member of the Pastoral Care staff "^^ Bishop Slater retired 
as Bishop in Residence, and Bishop W. McFerrin Stowe took his place.'"" 
Stowe held the Ph.D. degree and regularly taught courses, especially in 
Methodist poUty, until his death in 1988. 

Zan Holmes began his teaching in Homiletics. Father David Balas of the 
University of Dallas and Rabbi Jack Bemporad of Temple Emmanu-El were 
visiting faculty.'"' An unsuccessful attempt was made to secure a Hispanic for 
the Intern Staff. Dale Hensarling began a two-year postgraduate residence as 
Assistant Director of the Intern Program.'"^ 


1981-82. Dean Quillian did not officially retire until 1982, but his final year 
was Spent on leave. The new dean was James E. Kirby, Jr., whom we will 
consider in more detail later. The faculty changes were primarily Quillian' s, 
however, and so will be considered at this point. 

James Zumberge had resigned as President to go to the University of 
Southern California in the same position, and L. Donald Shields was named 
President of SMU. John Holbert became Director of Continuing Education and 
of the D.Min. program after Richard Murray left Continuing Education for full- 
time teaching. Heitzenrater likewise shifted to full-time teaching and the 
Wesley Works Project. Howard Grimes, Grady Hardin, and J. B. Holt officially 
retired in 1981 but continued for an additional year. Wanda Smith became a 
member of the Ubrary staff. Hanno W. Kirk was added to the visiting faculty, 
in Pastoral Care.'"^ 


Perhaps no other decade in the history of SMU' s School of Theology was quite 
so volatile as the 1970s. Nor has the story been concluded. Some of the more 
interesting, and the more bothersome, events will be considered in the follow- 
ing chapter — conflicts and criticism, and some of the gains made toward 
reconciliation, both internally and externally. 


The Struggle to Become 
an Inclusive School 

Students of Perkins School of Theology were almost all Anglo males at the end 
of the 1960s. There were, of course, minority students — African- American, a 
few Mexican- Americans, internationals, an occasional Native American. The 
number of women students in the M.Th. program had not increased signifi- 
cantly — there were ten women students in this basic ordination degree program 
in the fall of 1970.' 

Only in 1970 did Perkins make its first African- American and Mexican- 
American appointments to the faculty, and two years later received its first 
woman faculty member." This may seem almost unbelievable to us today, but 
the truth is that it took a great deal of effort to change the situation with less 
success even now than one might have hoped. To say that such faculty persons 
were hard to come by — and to some extent still are — may suggest something 
about the Anglo male orientation of the faculty but also about the real problems 
in academia — especially in graduate schools — one encounters in the process. 

Hispanic Developments' 

The history of Hispanic students at SMU goes back very nearly to the beginning 
of the University. The earliest record of a Spanish surname is in 1917 — 
Santiago Gomez who received the B.D. degree in 1919.^ For unexplained 
reasons he was largely forgotten, and Alfredo Nanez is usually named as the 
first graduate, in 1 932. Eleazar Guerra was graduated in 1 926, and later became 
a bishop in his native Mexico.'' 

Methodist work with Mexican-Americans in Texas began soon after the 
Anglos became the predominant group — after the independence of Texas in 
1836 and the end of the Mexican War in 1848. An annual conference was 
organized by the M. E. Church, South, in 1882, and somewhat later by the M. 
E. Church (North). At unification of the three Methodist churches in 1939, the 
conferences were brought together and eventually became the Rio Grande 
Conference, presided over by Bishop A. Frank Smith.^ 

Probably the most difficult problems Anglo-Americans face in the process 
we have described is the failure to remember that both European culture and 



Christianity came into the Southwest by way of Hispanic exploration and 
settlement, almost two centuries prior to the coming to the Southwest of the 
Anglos from the North. History books either ignore or play down these facts, 
or at least they have in the past. I had to go to Alistair Cooke's Amenca to find 
some of the facts I wanted!^ 

At first,Mexican- American clergy were trained in Mexico. After Frank S. 
Onderdonk, an Anglo, was forced to return to Texas after the Mexican 
Revolution in 1 9 1 4, this was no longer possible. In 1 9 1 7 the Wesley an Institute 
in San Antonio was organized, and subsequently this school along with Lydia 
Patterson Institute in El Paso provided training for Spanish-speaking clergy.^ 

In 1948, a meeting was called to discuss the training of Hispanic clergy at 
SMU and the School of Theology. Representatives from the School, the 
Methodist Church in Mexico, the predecessor of the Rio Grande Conference, 
and the Latin American Provisional Conference in California met to discuss the 
matter.^ The first step was the bringing of the Rev. Ben O. Hill to Perkins by 
the Department of the Ministry of the former Board of Education, now the 
Board of Higher Education and Ministry. Hill, an Anglo, was a member of the 
Rio Grande Conference and had served for many years in Cuba, beginning in 

The number of candidates eligible for admission to the seminary has never 
been large, and the problem of language has also been a barrier. Therefore, the 
Rio Grande Conference and the former Board of Education in Nashville 
initiated a Spanish-speaking "Course of Study" school at Lydia Patterson 
Institute in 1 949. In 1 95 1 the program was moved to Perkins, and since that time 
there has been a Spanish-language four- week school at Perkins." 

For those students with college degrees, Perkins has also attempted to 
provide a seminary education. Dean Quillian had as one of his highest priorities 
the broadening and deepening of the School's emphasis on Hispanic studies. 
In 1969 a special task force was set up under the leadership of Richey Hogg to 
consider the problem. The first step in implementing such a program was the 
bringing to the faculty in 1970 of Alfredo Nailez. He was the acknowledged 
leader of the Rio Grande Conference, and his task at Perkins was to prepare the 
foundation for a more extensive program at his retirement, which occurred 
three years later. '^ 

At his retirement, in January 1974, Roy Barton, a graduate of Perkins and a 
leader in the Rio Grande Conference, replaced Nailez, and in October of that 
year he prepared a program that would have two foci: to enable Hispanic 
students to know and function in their own context, and to help other students 
and faculty understand the Mexican- American context and to work out better 
relationships with that context and its people.'^ Subsequently, guidelines for 


courses and other experiences have been worked out and modified on three 
occasions.''* One of the assets of this program is the teaching of Edwin E. 
Sylvest, Jr., an Anglo who has identified himself with the Hispanic culture and 
belongs to the Rio Grande Conference. His teaching field is Church History 
with special expertise in the history of Hispanic Christianity. 

Barton's work was understood as reaching beyond the degree program and 
the Course of Study School to include work with the Rio Grande Conference 
and other Hispanic groups throughout the United States and Latin America. 
One important aspect of this larger ministry was the organizing of the Hispanic 
Instructor Development Program whose purpose is "to identify and develop 
further the experience of Hispanic practitioners who have a basic seminary or 
undergraduate degree and offer their services to seminaries for their degree, 
continuing education, and course of studies programs and to do lay training in 
their annual conferences."'^ The first session was held in January 1976. The 
program also sponsors special symposia, a recent one having been concerned 
with preparation for the 1992 quincentenary of the arrival of Christopher 
Columbus in the Western hemisphere.'^ 

Another program with far-reaching possibilities is the Lay Administrator 
Program. Funded by a grant from the General Commission on Religion and 
Race, the first step was taken in 1980. Subsequent grants, in 1983 from the 
General Council on Ministries and in 1985 from the General Board of 
Discipleship, have enabled two additional sessions. The program brings to the 
campus thirty lay persons for five weekend sessions over a three-year period, 
with an additional session being held at the Harwood Training Center in 
Albuquerque, New Mexico. Instruction is provided by the Hispanic Instructor 
Project. On 1 6 April 1 988, the three groups from the three sessions met together 
for a weekend celebration.'^ 

The program also launched a quarterly journal, Apuntes, in 1981. It is a 
bilingual journal, published by the Perkins Mexican- American Program and 
the United Methodist Publishing House, designed to develop significant 
statements on theological, biblical, cultural, and other themes related to 
Hispanic Christianity in the United States.'^ 

For more than forty years, Perkins has sought to be a center for the 
development of Hispanic Christianity, drawing its strategic vision from Frank 
Onderdonk, Bishop A. Frank Smith, Ben O. Hill, Dean Quillian, and Alfredo 
Naiiez, and more recently Edwin Sylvest and Roy Barton. 

African-American Developments 

We have seen in previous chapters how efforts were made by SMU's School 
of Theology as early as the 1 930s to circumvent segregation laws and practices 


in order to provide at least a minimum education for African-American 
students (then most commonly designated as Negroes).''^ In 1950, by Board of 
Trustees action, African-Americans became eligible for admission to the 
degree programs,^" with the first permanent students entering in 1952 and 
graduating in 1955. SMU moved rather quickly to desegregate other schools: 
the law school, correspondence courses, and the Graduate School in 1955. On 
20 April 1962, it was voted to admit a qualified African- American to the 
undergraduate school, someone, it was added, not needing dormitory housing. 
A year later, however, the student moved into the dormitory. In that same year, 
1963, the Board of Governors "recognized" black athletes, and Jerry Levias 
became a celebrated pass receiver for SMU's football team. 

Looked at from the perspective of today, all of this seems tame and 
unforgivably slow in coming. But for those days it was, if not revolutionary, at 
least progressive. That the progress was not universally welcomed is illustrated 
by the fact that Levias, the first African-American athlete in the Southwest 
Conference, received threats."' 

Full desegregation was still not acceptable to some, even with regard to 
Perkins. The earhest controversy in Dean Quillian's term of office occurred 
shortly after he became Dean. A new Director of Housing, Eunice Baab, asked 
the Dean how she should assign students to roommates in the dormitory. The 
Dean's response was that they should be assigned as applications for housing 
came in (unless there were special requests for roommates). 

This led to a repetition of the events of 1953, of which Dean Quillian says he 
had never heard. At that time only two pairings of an African- American and an 
Anglo-American as roommates occurred, but in 1960 there were four such sets 
of roommates. Quillian reported this to President Tate who, remembering the 
events of seven years earlier, became concerned and asked Quillian if he would 
reconsider this arrangement and quickly change it. Quillian replied that he did 
not see how that could be done without causing a very negative reaction, and 
added that he felt he would have to resign if such a move were ordered. Tate 
replied, "Well, let's not get heroic about it. Let's see what we can do with the 
Trustee Committee." Tate then took the matter to the Trustee Committee for 
Perkins School of Theology , where he made a masterful, low-key presentation. 
During that meeting, Eugene McElvaney, chair of the Board of Trustees, asked, 
"What's the crisis?" Tate replied that the administration had promised the 
Board they would consult them before taking additional steps toward full 
integration. To which Mrs. Perkins replied, saving the situation once again: 
"Now isn't that grand? We've taken another step, and this is something we can 
be grateful for. Perkins is known around the world as a progressive school," she 
added. "Besides, what would I tell my Women's Society in Wichita Falls if we 


went back on this advance?" This finished the discussion. Dean QuilHan adds, 
"Never did Lois Perkins ever register any loss of confidence in the school" 
during the various crises which occurred in the \910s}' 

The number of African- Americans in the University grew slowly, nor was 
Perkins overwhelmed by applicants. But the number had grown to the point 
where in 1969 a list of "Black Demands" was presented to the University 
administration. The University's response was to pledge an increased effort to 
recruit African- Americans, the setting up of a review board to review promo- 
tions to supervisory positions, a promise that the University would seek out 
African-American applicants for admission, and to establish immediately a 
Black Studies program under an African-American coordinator."^ Perkins re- 
sponded by stating that the recruitment of African- American students was 
under way and that preliminary discussions had already begun on a Black 
Studies program at Perkins.'"* 

The first appointment to the faculty was Nathaniel Lacy, who began his work 
in the fall of 1970.'^ Four years later Zan Holmes became the first African- 
American appointee to the Intern Staff and also Coordinator of Black Concerns 
and Associate Professor of Black Theology.'^ The Dean made clear in his 
1973-74 report his intention to seek more minority and women faculty 
members.'^ Meanwhile, students, such as Mel Bailey, began their own push for 
more minority appointments.'^ 

The number of African-American faculty and Intern Staff has not grown 
significantly in spite of efforts to increase them. The pool of prospects is not 
large since there was little incentive for them to do graduate work until recently. 
Standards for faculty remain largely Anglo-oriented, and relatively little effort 
has been made to determine if there are other standards which would qualify 
persons with a different cultural background. 

In addition to Lacy (who did not remain for long) and Holmes, Charles S. 
Thomas (faculty) and Richard Stewart (Intern Staff) were recruited during the 
1970s. When Dean Quillian retired, two faculty members and one Intern Staff 
member were African- Americans."^ 

Meanwhile, the number of African- American students has steadily increased 
but the majority have seldom been United Methodists. In 1973-74, there were 
eight black students, of whom three were United Methodists, one was Christian 
Methodist, two were Baptists, one was from the Disciples of Christ, and one 
was Pentecostal.''*' By 1975, the total had more than doubled, to seventeen, but 
only five were United Methodists, four were African Methodists, six were 
Baptists, one was United Church of Christ, and one was from the Disciples of 
Christ. In 1980 the total was twenty-eight of which thirteen were United 
Methodist, four were Christian Methodist, two were African Methodist, six 


were Baptists, two were Disciples of Christ, and one was Lutheran. In 1983 the 
total was thirty-four, with seventeen United Methodists, one Christian Meth- 
odist, four from the African Methodist Episcopal Church, one A.M.E. Zion (a 
total of twenty-three with a Wesleyan background), four Baptists, one Presby- 
terian, one Church of God in Christ, one Disciples of Christ, one United Church 
of Christ, and one Pentecostal.^' 

The official Black Heritage program has not gone nearly so well as the 
official Mexican-American program. What seems to have happened is that 
African- American students have increasingly assumed responsibility for their 
identity in a predominantly Anglo environment. The process is described in a 
1978 brochure as "the development of supplementary programs, such as 
convocations and consultations planned in cooperation with the Black Semi- 
narians."^^ The Black Seminarians organization has grown stronger as the 
number of students has increased. With the wide variety of denominations 
represented, what has held the group together is not a common religious 
heritage but rather a cultural heritage and a search for identity. 

The first Black Seminarians retreat was held in 1975." The following year, 
1976, the first "Annual Conference on Black Theology" was held,^"* a move- 
ment which changed course somewhat when it became Black Emphasis or 
Black Heritage Week. 

The Worship Committee in particular and the Senate in general have 
continued to struggle with the question of both African-American and Mexi- 
can-American emphases in community worship. Should elements of black 
worship be incorporated into worship on a regular basis and should worship be 
bilingual, or should special times be set apart for these groups? Both have been 
tried, neither very successfully, nor has the issue been solved. African- 
American students have tended to set up their own worship, thus causing 
further division between them and Anglo students. There is still much soul- 
searching and experimentation necessary before these problems are solved. 

There is, of course, considerable interrelationship between individuals. 
There are Anglos who espouse the African-American cause, and there are 
common tasks which the two groups undertake. What the future holds is 
difficult to predict. Additional minority faculty is at least one important aspect 
of the solution, and the school continues to try to bring this to pass. 

Other Minorities 

Some would say that the most neglected minority in American life is the Native 
American. This may also be true with regard to Perkins School of Theology, 
though the situation has gradually improved. Few members of the Oklahoma 
Indian Mission Conference, centered in Oklahoma but with two churches in 


Dallas, enroll in the degree program. As in the case of the Rio Grande 
Conference, the most helpful service is through the Course of Study School . For 
several years in the 1 970s, special courses were held exclusively for members 
of the Oklahoma Indian Mission Conference, in Oklahoma City. More recently 
they have been part of the school located on the Perkins campus, with twenty 
to twenty-five in most sessions. Native American forms of Christian worship 
form a regular part of the worship in Perkins Chapel during the summer. 

An increased minority consists of Asian-American students. Japan and 
Korea have almost always had students throughout the history of SMU's 
School of Theology. The new elements, just beginning to be touched, are the 
Asian- American refugees from Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos. Dallas has 
become an important center for such refugees. The East Dallas Cooperative 
Parish in particular has attempted to deal with these Southeast Asians, even 
though most of them remain Buddhist. One, a former Buddhist monk, has 
become a United Methodist minister. What the future of this group is at Perkins 
remains to be seen. 

An international student "community" (often quite small) has existed since 
the beginning of the school. It is now large enough to have some sense of 
identity — twenty in 1980 including those in the Ph.D. and M.S.M. programs.^^ 
Often these students have been lonely and have felt a sense of isolation. Only 
because of the efforts of individual faculty, especially Richey Hogg, have they 
at times felt any sense of having an anchor.^'' Language has also been a barrier, 
and the curriculum is so oriented toward the West that it is at times not as 
relevant as it might be. 

With the emergence of the church in non- Western nations as the dominant 
force in global Christianity, the number of students seeking admission far 
exceeds the amount of scholarship money available. In recent years, from 
among the forty to sixty international applicants, only eight to ten can be 
admitted with limited funds available to Perkins. Another problem which 
requires additional attention concerns how Perkins can be of more help to 
students from another culture. How these and other problems are addressed will 
help to determine whether Perkins becomes a truly global school of theology 
in the years ahead. 

Minority Concerns in General 

Most of the considerations of the special needs of minority and women students 
were not especially well organized until the mid-1970s. Even the first consul- 
tation on racism, although official, was somewhat ad hoc in nature. Thirty-one 
students and faculty participated in the conference held on 18 May 1972. 
Racism was defined as "that attitude and/or behavior which fosters and 


reinforces white male dominance and control and the policy and operations of 
institutional life at the expense of ethnic and minority group development."^^ 
The group dealt both with "ideals" (e.g., the creation of a Black Heritage 
Institute) and with specific suggestions (more participation of minorities in the 
leadership of worship.)^* Strangely enough, women's concerns received little 
attention, although at that time women were often thought of as a minority. 

An attachment to the Senate Minutes of 14 February 1975 indicates that a 
task force of the Committee on Curriculum was working on plans to determine 
how Perkins could meet the needs of blacks, Mexican- Americans, and women.^^ 
A few months later an overall task force on minority concerns was elected by 
the Senate."^" It reported on 23 April 1976, and made such recommendations as 
the following: that the Senate at its fall retreat or at some other appropriate time 
should discuss such matters as all syllabi carrying a special note about possible 
adaptation of syllabi; that appropriate steps be taken to desegregate the faculty; 
that increased recruitment of minorities be planned by the Committee on 
Recruitment and Admissions; that an ongoing plan be developed "to sensitize 
the total Perkins community regarding the needs and contributions of minority 
and women students"; and that the Worship Committee really try to make 
worship "a truly common experience."'*' The report was discussed at length on 
12 November 1976, with the primary emphasis being on minority faculty.^" 

During the following two years much additional consideration was given to 
the problem of minority and women members of the faculty and intern staff ."^^ 
"Guidelines for Enlarging Minority and Women Membership in the Perkins 
Faculty and Intern Staff appear in the Senate Minutes for 1 March 1977."^ 
Most of the Senate Conference in 1977 was given to such a discussion. Issues 
relating to the use of sexist language were given due consideration, and the 
problem of diversity in worship was discussed at some length. Student Senator 
Tommy Slater held strongly that special weeks for different groups were not 
adequate. ^^ The Community Life Committee proposed an interethnic experi- 
ence in which a student would participate in the life of a church of a different 
ethnic background three to four hours per week,"*^ and it was later carried out. 

So the discussion continued sometimes with one particular group in mind, 
sometimes with the entire problem Unked together. 

Women at Perkins 

The latest of the "minority" movements to get under way at Perkins concerns 
the role of women in both church and seminary. The outcome of this movement 
has been somewhat happier than in other areas. 

SMU's School of Theology admitted women from its beginning. Mrs. C. R. 
Kidd, classified as an undergraduate but under the dual degree plan with the 


School of Theology, was in the entering class of 1915. '^^ Three candidates for 
certificates, given to people who pursued the theological course but did not 
have undergraduate degrees, were Rachel M. Jarratt,^** Bessie O. Oliver, and 
Rebecca Gordgin. The first degree students, who did not remain for graduation, 
were admitted in 1923: Bernice Lee, Mrs. Wood H. Patrick, and Lilia Beth 
Roberts,*" with Nina Ogden Calhoun and Sue Bell Mann in 1924.^" 

The first Master of Church Administration degree, a degree that was never 
popular, went to Anna Lois Todd in 1926, and the same year Opal Bailey was 
awarded the M.A. degree for work done in the School of Theology."*' The first 
female B.D. graduate was Mrs. Steward O'Dell who, along with her husband, 
graduated in 1928.^' Ministers' wives had been admitted to courses in 1920 
with six enrolled this first year."*^ 

The first special degree, the Master of Church Administration, attracted 
about an equal number of women and men until its discontinuance. Much later 
the Master of Religious Education degree came into being, in 1950, to prepare 
men and women for professional lay ministry, and this gradually increased the 
presence of women on campus. 

The number of women in the ordination degree program, then called the 
Bachelor of Divinity, remained quite small, with only ten as late as 1970.^*The 
situation in the Methodist Church changed radically when in 1956 the General 
Conference voted to ordain women. Women had been licensed to preach in the 
Methodist Episcopal Church in 1 920,^"* and women lay pastors especially from 
Kansas and Nebraska were often in the Course of Study school. The Methodist 
Protestant Church had accepted some women into ordination as early as 1 880, 
but the practice did not survive into the twentieth century."*^ The United 
Brethren in Christ, but not the Evangelical Church, had ordained women since 
1889. When all of these churches came together in 1968 the ordination of 
women was retained." 

As we have seen, Perkins was slow in acquiring women students in its basic 
ordination degree. The climate of the South Central Jurisdiction did not 
encourage it, and the School made no concerted effort to recruit women for its 
basic ordination degree. In October 1975, when 28% of all students in United 
Methodist seminaries were reported to be women, Perkins enrollment included 
only 47 women (less than 9%),"^^ and by 1978 the number was still only 77.'" 
The number gradually increased so that in 1985 in a student body of 387 the 
number of women was 135.^° Many of these were in other programs than the 
M.Th. program, and the female percentage in the M.Th. degree program was 
approximately 30%.''' 

Women students did not become militant until the late 1 970s. There had been 
incidents, of course. For example, on one occasion, when new students at 


orientation had been advised to wear jackets for the group picture, all the 
women appeared in men's jackets! (This was largely an effort by M.R.E. 
students.) In the late 1970s there was still only one woman on the faculty, and 
the second female member of the Intern Staff was not appointed until 1980. 

It is sometimes forgotten that there are many student wives who live on 
campus and others who live on their husbands' charges. (Male spouses did not 
become a significant group until the 1980s.) Whitty Cuninggim had had a 
special concern for spouses during her husband's term as Dean, and had led the 
way in providing courses and other events to try to help them understand what 
their husbands were learning in class. A unit of the Women's Society of 
Christian Service had pre-dated her efforts, and later the Perkins Women's 
Association came into being. 

For several years beginning in 1972 Northaven United Methodist Church, 
having developed a course on consciousness-raising for women called "Ex- 
plore," presented it at Perkins. Susan Dean (Streng), Fran McElvaney, and 
Gayle Smith were the leaders in the enterprise. The course helped to prepare the 
way for the first Symposium for Women (later "Women's Week") which was 
led by Letty Russell on 1 3- 1 8 October 1 975 .^^ The event has occurred annually 
from 1975 to the present.^^ 

Since the mid-1970s, women had assumed a larger and larger share of 
responsibility for leadership in the Perkins community. These leaders have 
come in all ages, some just out of college but others second-career women (with 
both homemaking and work outside the home being included as first careers). 

But the basic question is whether the United Methodist Church and other 
denominations that ordain women are ready to place women in the church. In 
the past a majority of M.Div. graduates became associate pastors or assumed 
other special appointments. This has changed to some extent with women 
district superintendents and bishops. The first Perkins woman graduate to be 
elected bishop was Sharon Brown Christopher in 1988. Surveys indicate that 
lay folk are probably more ready to receive a woman as pastor than the sending 
agencies (annual conferences) of the United Methodist Church are ready to 
send them. The truth of the matter is that with a decrease in the number of white 
males going into ordained ministry, many United Methodist pulpits will be 
filled by women in the future or else remain vacant. And then another important 
question arises: Why are the numbers of white males entering the ordained 
ministry steadily declining? 


The changes that have occurred during the past fifteen years at Perkins indicate 
that it is a different school from what it was in the early 1970s. Changes that 


began during Dean Quillian's term of office have accelerated during that of his 
successor. Dean Kirby. Two radical transformations have occurred in the 
history of SMU' s School of Theology : that in the 1 950s under Dean Cuninggim 
and that which began under Dean Quillian and has continued under Dean 
Kirby. The time is ripe for some serious thinking about what Perkins ought to 
be and might become by the twenty-first century. Such thinking is already 
under way and should bear fruit in the years ahead. 


Controversy, Conflict, 
and Reconciliation 

A school of theology located within a university is probably more likely to be 
subject to conflict and controversy than one which is independent. As a school 
of a university, it is an academic institution. But its special relationship with one 
or more denominations creates a sense of ownership, which often brings a 
desire to control. So it is not unusual when a clash of school and church evolves. 

If a school of theology is, as H. Richard Niebuhr defined it, the "intellectual 
center of the church's life,"' its faculty and students will inevitably raise 
questions — and sometimes provide answers — that the rest of the church will 
not like. In a time of rapid change — and whatever else one can say about the 
twentieth century, it is a time of unprecedented change — the conflict between 
church, world, and seminary is often intense. Further, as Niebuhr also says, our 
time is one of "baffling pluralism of Protestant religious life,"^ a trend which 
has accelerated unbelievably since Niebuhr' s book was published in 1956. 
Only when a theological school is the product of a unilaterally oriented 
denomination or sect can this conflict perhaps be minimized.^ 

SMU's School of Theology from its beginning aimed at being a free 
academic unit of the larger University — and at the same time a servant of its 
parent denomination. Its intellectual leaders such as Frank Seay, John R. Rice, 
John H. Hicks, Robert Goodloe, Paul Root, and Fred Gealy — and a host of 
others including the more recent Albert Outler, Schubert Ogden, and John 
Deschner — have also been church-oriented people, and that fact has amelio- 
rated external controversy, but not prevented it. Indeed, this linking of church 
and academy has not been easy, and suspicions have often run high as faculty 
have sought to express the Gospel in new thought forms and thus relate it to a 
changed and changing culture. 

Unfortunately the conflicts have not always involved the really important 
questions of life nor the issues of the day. Some of those we will consider in this 
chapter may seem trivial, or at most not decisive issues. But they were not 
inconsequential for the participants. The incredible amount of time that Dean 
Quillian spent in dealing with the conflicts, both internal and external, seems 
such a waste of energy which could have been used more productively for 



Students and constituents had they been willing to tolerate diversity, recognize 
that seminary students, faculty, and administrators are as imperfect as the 
remainder of the church, and negotiate rather than confront. 

In any case the decade of the 1970s was a time of conflict such as SMU's 
School of Theology had not known since the 1920s when the celebrated Rice, 
Workman, and Branscomb events'* rocked the campus and sent shock waves 
throughout the M. E. Church, South. We shall consider first the interior 
struggles over the rights of students, the seminary, and the University, and other 
inside matters. Second, we will consider the controversies involved with 
church and church people; and third the structured efforts, led by Dean Quillian, 
to provide a closer working relationship between seminary and church. 

Both SMU and Perkins had remained relatively quiet during the student 
unrest of the later 1960s and early 1970s. Non- violent confrontations appeared, 
but President Tate and Dean Quillian kept open communications with students. 
The 1970s were the years of renewed conflict for Perkins. 

Student Conflict 

In the previous chapter, we looked at the growing power of minorities and 
women, and both successes and failures in dealing with the problem. These all 
accelerated in the 1970s, and the situations engendered conflict and contro- 
versy. Progress that causes deep change is not easy to facilitate, but if the 
change is principled right, the struggle has to be considered worth the effort. 

Academic freedom was relatively secure, and had been since the days of 
President Lee. President Tate upheld the tradition, and there were no more 
forced resignations of the Rice, Workman, and Branscomb variety.^ Even after 
the flagrant violations of good taste and University principles by John Beaty, 
he was only reprimanded and therefore remained teaching until his retirement. 

Conflicts between students and the faculty and administration emerged, 
however, and even between different student groups, not quite so easy to 
defend. They were often due to a lack of the use of the consultative process, 
which both President Tate and Dean Quillian cherished. Both the larger 
University and Perkins had their problems, and they were often due to this lack 
of consultation because students — and sometimes faculty — wanted to do it 
their way without interference. 

Although it is usually called academic freedom, there seems to me to be 
another kind of freedom which has nothing to do with what happens in the 
classroom. For want of a better term I call this civil freedom, which is the right 
of a university community to hear controversial speakers outside the class- 

Early on in Tate's presidency, without consultation, a group of students 


invited John Gates, former editor of the Daily Worker, to speak on campus. 
President Tate heard of it through the student newspaper. As Marshall Terry 
describes Tate's decision, "he decided to stand behind the students' invitation 
to Gates, because he believed that the students should have the right to invite 
speakers they wished to hear on campus and that 'the truth is affirmed and the 
fallacious exposed in a free enterprise of ideas. '"^ 

This event, it must be remembered, occurred when Dallas was in the throes 
of strong right-wing pressure, a stranglehold which was broken only after the 
Kennedy assassination. Tate interpreted this decision and many others to the 
Dallas community with consummate skill, and his constant stand for all kinds 
of campus freedom, as we saw earlier, earned for him the AAUP Alexander 
Meiklejohn Award in 1965 for "significant support of academic freedom."^ 

Perkins also had its problems with student invitations not carefully consid- 
ered or without full knowledge of policy, which was often not clearly defined. 
One such event, in fall 1970, involved the action of the student Social Action 
Committee to give $125 of its funds to the National Committee to Combat 
Racism (for feeding children) in connection with an invitation to its head, 
Curtis Gaines, to speak on campus.^ 

In this case the students were ruled, after careful discussion, to be in the 
wrong. The issue was whether Perkins funds, which the Social Action Commit- 
tee received from the Student Council (which in turn had received them from 
the Perkins budget), could be used for an outside group. Two students, Ed 
Stevenson and Tom Jones, drew up and distributed widely eleven issues 
involved in the controversy,^ and the matter was discussed by the Perkins 
Senate at length. Out of this discussion came a carefully formulated statement 
called "Declaration of Principles of the Perkins Community." '° The declaration 
affirmed the right of free discussion and encouraged members of the commu- 
nity, students and faculty, to participate in social and political movements as 
individuals. It also denied the School the right to align itself with any such 
movements. The principles clearly state that no money is to be contributed from 
the Perkins operating budget to outside social and political movements. This 
document of academic and personal freedom is a rather remarkable one and has 
continued to be carried in the Perkins Catalog. 

Quite a different set of circumstances were involved in an incident in spring 
1971. A member of one of the Texas conferences — an able and promising 
young man who had been considered one of the bright prospects for the 
future — made the startling decision that he could continue to live in the same 
house with his wife but also include his mistress in the family. When word got 
out, his conference quite naturally raised objections to the arrangement, and he 
was brought to trial by the conference and asked to turn in his ministerial 



On March 13, Dean Quillian heard an announcement on the radio that this 
alumnus had been invited to speak at Perkins, and on the following day a front- 
page article appeared in the Dallas Morning News to the effect that he had been 
asked to speak to an ethics class at 10:00 a.m. the following day." As the Dean 
began to unravel the story, it turned out that a first-year student had invited the 
alumnus to speak without the knowledge of the professor involved in the class. 
In the meantime the news media, both print and radio/television, were having 
a field day concerning the event. 

The outcome was that the former student did speak, at an informal discussion 
in the evening, with some 1 50 in attendance. The questions raised, as Dean 
QuilUan says, demonstrated that the man's position was "untenable on Scrip- 
tural, theological and practical grounds and that the Church had treated him 
fairly in his trial."'' The Dean's response to the event was to issue a strong 
statement for freedom of speech "under controlled situations." 

Perkins and the University 

On most scores the relationship between SMU's School of Theology and the 
University has been friendly, supportive, and mutually beneficial. In the early 
days no one really thought of a separate school, except in the case of financial 
support. Much of the money that came to the University was not applicable to 
theology. The move to a separate building in 1924 brought about some 
separation. Yet as a student in the late 1930s I felt quite at home in the total 
University. With the opening of the new quadrangle, at the southern extreme 
of the campus, further separation occurred. Also, the increasing secularization 
of the University helped to create a barrier between a school whose chief 
purpose was the training of clergy and the rest of the University, which 
increasingly aligned itself with the academic community rather than the 

As we saw in an earlier chapter, the School of Theology had trouble in 
securing adequate financial backing, and for many years it lived on the edge of 
poverty. It was not until the Perkins family's money came to the School that 
other substantial gifts were directed to the School of Theology. Now Perkins 
is one of the best-endowed schools in the University. With less than five percent 
of the student body, its income from endowment accounts for nineteen percent 
of the endowment income of the University.'^ 

This endowment has made possible a high quality of education in terms of 
faculty, academic programs, and the intern program. The expansion has been 
so great that an active development program in the 1980s has been necessary 
to keep up with escalating costs. 


One of Dean Quillian's concerns was what would happen should SMU 
dissociate itself from the United Methodist Church and become an independent 
university. He knew that this had happened in the history of American 
Methodism on several occasions. At the University of Denver, Iliff School of 
Theology actually had to close temporarily until matters could be sorted out.'"* 
He knew also of the problems when the University of Southern California 
became independent and kept its School of Religion, forcing the establishment 
of a new seminary, Claremont School of Theology. 

Some clarity came out of Quillian's discussions with the University admin- 
istration, but the issue remains. There is no tendency now for SMU to pull away 
from the United Methodist Church. The present President, Kenneth Pye, 
himself a Catholic lay person, has made considerable effort to reconnect SMU 
with its Methodist roots. Continuing discussion is necessary, however, since 
one cannot predict the future relationship of SMU with its parent church. 

Conflicts with the Constituency 

At various times during its history, SMU's School of Theology and its 
constituency — defined as individual Methodists, both lay and clergy, and 
groups both official and unofficial — have come into conflict. At times the 
School of Theology has been singled out for special criticism. At others, for 
example, in the "Methodism's Pink Fringe" group of the later 1940s, the search 
for Communist sympathizers, which really meant anyone with "liberal" 
leanings, included the School of Theology but were not confined to it. 

The intellectual search in which a seminary engages will inevitably lead to 
theological conflicts with persons who do not accept the validity of such an 
enterprise. The tendency of many clergy, including seminary professors, to 
align themselves with the poor and dispossessed is one which middle-class 
Methodists often criticize. It can be argued, I think, that seminary professors — 
and even pastors — are not always as sensitive to this issue as they might be. 

One of the continuing critics of Perkins School of Theology during the 1950s 
and 1 960s, on both of these counts, was Mr. Lynn Landrum, a columnist for the 
Dallas Morning News. He often wrote quite good columns, and in fact when 
I was a student in the late 1930s we considered him in a broad sense "liberal" 
on political and social issues. He was a leading member of First Methodist 
Church, Dallas, and taught the Men's Bible Class for years. 

In March 1961 he wrote a column directed toward what he considered to be 
ideas contrary to Methodist doctrine in the student publication The Log. 

On 30 March 1961, the Dean wrote a letter to selected clergy and laity 
enclosing Landrum' s colunm and the article from The Log. The reconciling 
tone of Quillian's approach to such matters is typical of the way he handled 


controversy. The final paragraph suggested that we not identify individuals like 
Mr. Landrum as "the enemy." If we cut ourselves off from them, he added, they 
have no choice except to make us their enemy. His hope was that Perkins "can 
follow a policy of reasonableness and patience in strength" and move to a head- 
on fight "only if clearly necessary."'^ 

He was quite capable of confrontation, of course, and in 1969 reprimanded 
a student for a nearly, if not actually, obscene poem which he had included in 
the student newspaper of April 29.'^ He distinguished between freedom and 
anarchy and on at least one occasion "advised rather ardently the editor of The 
Log to remove a page from the publication." A few copies had akeady been 
distributed, one copy of which fell into the hands of William P. Clements, Jr. 
(later governor of Texas and a long-time supporter of SMU). Quillian, in his 
usual attempt to be conciliatory, wrote a letter of explanation and apology.'^ 

Pornography in the Classroom? 

No event in the history of Perkins has created more publicity and controversy 
than the showing of explicit sex films in the course "Church and World" in 
October 1971. The course, as we have seen, was part of the curriculum 
introduced in 1970, and was taught for only two years. It was designed "to 
enable the seminarian to conceive of the world as the essential stage for God's 
mission and to prepare him to formulate principles and techniques appropriate 
for developing an effective ministry."'* 

The films shown were not pornographic in intent, but rather were educa- 
tional. It is true, however, that they showed explicit sex acts, both heterosexual 
and homosexual. Two were produced by the Glide Foundation of San Francisco, 
the third by Dallas's Channel 13 (public television) on the Dallas homosexual 
community. As Helen Parmley, long-time religious editor of the Dallas 
Morning News, observed, whether the films were considered obscene or 
educational was in the "eye of the beholder.'"' The intent of Harville Hendrix, 
director of the course, was to present a slice of life which he deemed not 
common to the students' experience, or as the Texas Methodist put it, the films 
were part of a series "exposing students to life and its problems" and "help[ing] 
the students not be shocked when confronted with (e.g.) unusual sex behavior 
in the parish."^" 

In the major showing, the films were provided with a proper introduction and 
explanation. Before a second showing for absentees, however, no such intro- 
duction was provided. Present at this showing was a top executive of the Dallas 
Times Herald who had been informed by a student who objected to the films. 
The showing was not open to the public, but he took advantage of the student's 
invitation and wrote a story in his newspaper on 29 October 1 97 1 . The story was 



picked up by the Associated Press as well as Dallas's Channel 8 television, and 
soon the world heard that Perkins School of Theology in Dallas, Texas, was 
showing "pornographic" films to its students !"' For the next weeks Dean Quillian 
spent most of his time dealing with the problem. 

Should the films have been shown? This is still a question on which there is 
disagreement. They should certainly not have been shown without proper 
introduction as they were for the second time. So far as I am aware, such films 
have not been shown since. Perhaps the major problem is that those who 
opposed the showing protested with confrontation tactics rather than with 
genuine concern expressed concerning the appropriateness of the films. 

Dancing in the Aisle 

Before the furor created by the films had subsided, a second event created a 
similar stir. Although the event was at a University chapel service, the seminary 
bore the brunt of the criticism because it took place in the Perkins Chapel. 

Claude Evans, the University chaplain, believed that Advent should be a time 
of celebration, looking forward to the coming of the Christ Child. The 1971 
service in question was the third of a series of services in which there was a 
celebration, ending with the throwing of serpentine paper streamers and the 
choir and congregation shouting, "Advent is here! Christ is coming! The Lord 
is risen indeed!"" 

Evans gave his permission for the SMU Public Relations Department to 
invite the media to the service, and one of the shots caught by the cameras, video 
and still, was the Chaplain dancing down the aisle with a woman student, a 
member of the choir, clad in what were then called "hot pants" — tight-fitting 
short shorts. 

The photograph literally was seen around the world, and often with no 
explanation of what was happening — nothing but a clergyman dancing in the 
aisle with a scantily clad young woman. Soon Dean Quillian' s work of 
interpretation began all over again. 

In a 12 January 1972 letter, he wrote to the Nashville Banner: 

After having spent a good many weeks this fall answering letters concern- 
ing the films on sex that were used in the Church and World course at 
Perkins and then another big batch of them in connection with the Advent 
service, I have about come to the feeling that educational institutions 
would best be served by news media if they simply ignored us altogether.'^ 

Theological Controversy 

Theological controversy has existed since the beginning of SMU's School of 
Theology. It led to the resignation of Rice and Workman. It has been between 


the larger church and the seminary, as well as between some of its students and 
the faculty. Perhaps Dean Hawk gave the strongest answer to students who 
came to demand the resignation of a particular faculty member. "The faculty 
is not on trial, young men; you are," was his terse response to their demands. 

Controversy again surfaced in the organized movements of evangelicals, 
known as the "Forum for Scriptural Christianity" or "Good News," in the 
1970s.^^ In August 1976, Edmund W. Robb, a United Methodist evangehst 
from the Northwest Texas Conference, addressed the Good News Convocation 
at Lake Junaluska and included this sentence: "If we have a sick Church it is 
largely because we have sick seminaries."^^ In 1977 Quillian did not extend an 
invitation to the Good News organization to send representatives to Perkins,^^ 
but a year later he announced to the Senate that Paul Mickey of Duke University 
Divinity School would speak at Perkins at the request of Good News." In 1 980, 
Robb and Quillian carried on a lengthy correspondence concerning Robb's 
attempt to raise scholarship funds for evangelical students to pursue the Ph.D. 
degree at Perkins.'^ 

The evangelical-liberal debate continues inside the United Methodist Churches 
as it does in most of the main-line Protestant churches (and even in the Roman 
Catholic Church). I am convinced that the Methodist movement can have no 
reconciliation with fundamentalism — which is a modem form of Calvinism. 
Yet not all evangelicals are fundamentalists. They have already had some 
influence on the official structures of United Methodism. There is, I believe, a 
need for genuine dialogue between the two groups. Unfortunately the discus- 
sion often becomes more political than theological, from both sides. 

Admission of Known Homosexual Persons 

A final major conflict occupied the school's attention during the final years of 
Dean Quillian' s twenty-one years as Dean. It all began when the Committee on 
Admissions admitted a member of the Metropolitan Community Church in 
Dallas, a church especially for "gays." Normally, I suppose, the Committee 
would have consulted the Dean since this was the first of such admissions and 
might be construed as an "extraordinary" admission. It failed to do so, however, 
and in March 1980 he discovered what had happened. Two additional applica- 
tions from the church's membership were pending.^'' 

At the 9 May 1980 meeting of the Senate, Quillian used a method he seldom 
employed and announced arbitrarily that the interim policy of Perkins would 
conform with the policy of the United Methodist Church. Since General 
Conference had voted not to ordain known homosexual persons, there would 
be no admission of such persons to the degree that prepared people for 


The faculty and the student body were divided, and therefore a two-hour 
discussion on May 15 settled nothing.^' Three statements by the Dean, on May 
9, May 13, and May 19, made clear that he had had considerable opposition to 
his position, but chose to maintain his decision that Perkins would use no 
United Methodist funds for the education of known homosexual persons." One 
of the key questions raised by faculty concerned whether standards for 
ordination should be different from those for church membership where no ban 
existed. An evening faculty discussion occurred during May, after which the 
matter was postponed until the Senate Conference in the fall. 

The Senate discussion on 10 October 1980 was more of a philosophical- 
theological consideration and no decision was reached. Therefore, at a called 
meeting on November 10, the faculty finally discussed policy. Still no decision 
was reached except to request "that the Committee on Recruitment and 
Admissions study the policy of admission of homosexual persons, that the 
Committee consult in their discussion with all relevant persons, and that it 
report back to the Senate as soon as reasonable."^^ 

The Committee deliberated for almost six months, and finally on 20 March 
198 1 recommended that "the Senate reaffirm its official statement of policy on 
admissions as revised in 1977, as the policy of the school and that it direct the 
Committee on Recruitment and Admissions to act in accordance with this 
policy as of this date."""* Basically, this meant that there would be no explicit 
policy of non-admission of homosexual persons but that inappropriate ways of 
dealing with one's homosexuality might disqualify a person because of the 
problems it would generate in intern placement and in future ministry. The 
statement placed the responsibility for admission squarely on the Admissions 
Committee where it had been since the Cuninggim deanship. 

Quillian accepted the decision — I always suspected not very happily — only 
three months before his turning the deanship over to James Kirby. 

Behind the issue is a fundamental disagreement concerning the responsibil- 
ity of a United Methodist seminary to make judgments concerning the fitness 
of a person for ordained ministry. The United Methodist Church's Book of 
Discipline is clear concerning such responsibility, but is it a just requirement? 
Is a school of theology a school that admits people according to their academic 
credentials, with the larger church responsible for determining fitness for 
ministry? Or must the educational institution itself make this kind of decision? 
The question remains, and no solution is likely to please everyone. 

Organized Support: The Alumni Council 

One of Dean Quillian' s aims as Dean was to secure greater support of Perkins 
by the church, support that was more than financial. His first emphasis was his 


own personal efforts to enhance the relationship of the School and the church. 
Getting to know church people, becoming acquainted with local churches, and 
developing other personal relationships were important especially in the early 
days of his deanship when church and school had become estranged. 

He realized that more organized support was needed. To this end the first 
alumni/ae consultation was called for 2 December 1969, and out of this came 
a permanent Alumni Council with two representatives from each annual 
conference within the South Central Jurisdiction and one from each of the other 
jurisdictions. Its purposes were to interpret what the seminary was doing, to 
help the seminary stay aware of what was happening in the church, to aid in the 
recruitment of students, to encourage the development of financial resources, 
and to enhance the relationship between church and school to the mutual benefit 
of both.'' 

The Council began to function in 1971 with Ray Branton as president and 
Charles Lutrick succeeding him for 1972-73. Two members of the Council 
became members of the Senate, and one became a member of the Ministers' 
Week Committee. Meetings took place in February and October.'^ Among other 
projects the Council worked on a "Forty- Year Model" to seek to determine 
what Perkins should do to prepare students for ordained ministry in the twenty- 
first century." 

Out of the Council, together with a proposal from Judge Woodrow Seals of 
Houston, grew Laity Week in February 1974. Timed to begin as soon as 
Ministers' Week ended, it includes lectures, worship services, courses, and 
seminars for lay people. The first attendance was 78 in 1974, and the number 
more than doubled in 1975 with 175 full-time or part-time participants. 

Lay Advisory Council 

One year later, in 1972, a second new organization emerged. Dean Quillian 
readily credited its beginning to Leo Baker, a layman from Lovers Lane United 
Methodist Church in Dallas. Working with the Dean, Baker coordinated the 
securing of a group of lay people who began meeting regularly at least once a 
year to promote better communication between church and seminary, to 
provide a means whereby a group of laity could come to know Perkins, and to 
provide a means to bring church concerns to the seminary and seminary 
concerns to the larger church.'^ 

The Lay Advisory Council has proved to be an invaluable means of bringing 
the seminary and the church into a better relationship with one another. In 
1973-74 the Dean reported that the Council "came into its own."'^ Most of the 
credit for its success goes to Leo Baker and other lay persons who joined him 
in the enterprise. 


Perkins Representatives 

A second lay organization, not as closely organized as the Lay Advisory 
Council, had its first meeting on 25-26 October 1974. Representatives from 
congregations came together to aid in the financial undergirding of the School 
of Theology. More than two hundred lay persons accepted appointment. 
According to a contemporary assessment, both the Lay Advisory Council and 
the Perkins representatives "are proving invaluable to the seminary in its 
relationships with local churches.'"*" 

The Dean's Contribution 

James Ward, in the issue of the Perkins Journal honoring the Dean at his re- 
tirement, commented at length on Dean Quillian's contributions to the work of 
relating the School to the United Methodist Church. "He has supported the 
academic freedom and integrity of Perkins unfailingly, and he has also fostered 
close, effective relations with the United Methodist Church." This came partly 
through three factors, observed Ward: the Perkins Alumni Council, the Perkins 
Lay Advisory Council, and the office of Bishop in Residence. But it is also 
partly the Dean's own nurturing of school relations "by telephone, by mail, and 
face to face." "For years," Ward writes, "I have been amazed at the time and 
energy Joe Quillian has poured into this part of his work, and at the skill and 
good humor with which he has done it."'*' 


This has been a chapter on controversy and reconciliation. The controversies 
have been interesting, varied, and at times quite unpleasant. The reconciling 
efforts have been extensive and productive. Nothing will ever make it possible 
for a school of theology, especially if it is part of a university, to please all its 
constituency. The efforts to interpret, explain, and mollify are never-ending. 
Dean Quillian made remarkable progress during his twenty-one years as Dean, 
but he paid a high price for his efforts. No wonder he breathed a sigh of relief 
when he left Dallas in 1981 for the life of a gentleman rancher and part-time 
preacher, amid the natural beauty of Washington State! 

In Service and Action 

Most of the first decade of Dean Quillian's term of office was a time of 
consolidation of past years' gains and preparation for future change. Beginning 
with the 1968-69 self-study, all of this took quite a different turn. The first 
major shift in the life of Perkins School of Theology was the institution of 
shared governance in May 1969. The 1970s were a decade of turbulence, crea- 
tivity, and building for the future. By the end of the decade, Perkins was quite 
a different school from what it had been in 1 960. Yet its core concern — for the 
effective preparation of ordained ministers, with a knowledge of the classical 
Western theological tradition and the ability to minister in the various cultures 
from which its students derived— remained constant. Some would say that the 
latter part of this formula was not as effectively done as it might have been. 
We have already considered many of the developments of the 1970s, 
especially in the growth of minority and female influence and the controversies 
which made the decade one of great ferment. There is much still to be told, and 
so this chapter will chronicle in brief fashion a wide variety of areas of the 
School, many not so widely known as other aspects of its life. It is called "In 
Service and Action" because many of these facets of the life of the school were 
especially concerned with service to and action in the larger church and 

Course of Study School 

At various places I have mentioned the Course of Study School. Its genesis goes 
back to the early days of the School when either by correspondence or in special 
classes, persons pursued a course of study set by the Division of Ministry of the 
Board of Education in order to qualify them for ordination without a seminary 

Then in 1947, under the leadership of A. W. Martin, Professor of Church 
Administration and Director of Field Education, a more formal school began. 
It was held in the summer and consisted of four weeks during which a student 
could complete one year of the five years of the prescribed course.' Few en- 
terprises have prospered to the degree this one has. Supported for many years 



by Highland Park Methodist Church, the students who attend are lay pastors of 
small churches, either part- or full-time. It is not now possible for them to be 
ordained except under special circumstances, but they provide the backbone of 
the supply of pastors for the larger number of rural and urban churches of fewer 
than one hundred members. 

By 1981 there were forty-two faculty members in two terms of four weeks 
each — some from the Perkins faculty, some from the faculties of colleges or 
other seminaries, and some from local churches.^ The largest number of stu- 
dents attended in 1958 with 261 students in two four- week terms. In 1970 the 
pattern was changed to two two-week terms, with the two together comprising 
a full year's work.^ The director of the School has always been the Director of 
Field Education — A. W. Martin, Marvin Judy, Floyd Curl, Alsie Carleton, 
Claus Rohlfs, and presently Bert Affleck. The real work of operating the school 
has been carried on, first, by Mrs. Pat Moxley and later by Mrs. Rosa Marina 
Barton. The students do not receive university credit, but many are among the 
strongest supporters of Perkins and consider themselves as alumni/ae. 

We saw in an earlier chapter how the Spanish language school developed 
under the leadership of Roy Barton. There have also been special classes for 
those whose reading ability was too low for them to comprehend the textbooks 
required in regular classes. 

Seminar for Educational Assistants 

It is tempting at this point, at least for me, to write a history of the developing 
of a similar specialized ministry of lay Educational Assistants in the Methodist 
Church, but this is not appropriate. Suffice it to say that since 1 900, persons not 
seeking ordination have become staff members of larger churches in Christian 
education, church music, business management, evangelism, and other fields. 
Prior to this century there had been choir directors, church visitors, social 
workers, and others. The Deaconess movement provided personnel for some 
of these positions, but many came into it because they were recognized as 
competent laity in local churches. From about 1920 on, this movement greatly 
increased, especially in Christian education and church music. 

As these workers multiplied, church leadership recognized the need for at 
least minimum training opportunities directed toward the group. The earliest 
field to receive attention was that of Christian education. R. Harold Hipps, then 
with the Board of Education and later the Board of Higher Education and 
Ministry, was the pioneer at the national level of the movement.'' 

Perkins led the way in the actual provision of a seminar. In 1965 the three 
persons in Christian Education at Perkins — Richard Murray, C. Wayne Banks, 
and Howard Grimes — met with Hipps to plan a summer seminar for educa- 


tional assistants in Methodist churches. The four-summer program they worked 
out — one summer each in Bible, theology, learning and teaching, and admin- 
istration — became the pattern for other schools to follow. 

The seminar in 1966 — the first — had some thirty participants. The number 
grew until there were as many as ninety in several summers. Two of the sources 
of success have been the use of Perkins professors for lectures in Bible and 
theology and Murray's ability to take a large group and by using small groups 
within the larger one to bring off a significant learning experience.'* The 1979 
self-study concluded that the seminar "provides an indispensable service to the 
United Methodist Church."^ 

Church Musicians' Seminar 

Somewhat later a summer seminar for church musicians was begun as a joint 
enterprise between worship and music people on a national scale and the Master 
of Sacred Music program at SMU. The two purposes have been to provide 
background in worship, Bible, and theology for the many church musicians 
who have no theological education and to provide help in the choice of music 
and in the increase of knowledge of repertoire, to enhance conducting skills, 
and to provide a fellowship experience in a theological setting. 

This seminar has also proved to be popular and helpful to those who attend. 
The most visible contribution the participants make to Perkins is in chapel 
worship. At no time during the year does the music of Perkins Chapel reach the 
heights that it does during the two weeks of the Church Musicians' Seminar. 

Diaconal Ministry Preparation 

A third type of special training has been the courses in preparation for the 
diaconal ministry. Again, some background is required. Until the 1960s lay 
workers in business management, education, music, evangelism, public rela- 
tions, and other fields had no status in the Methodist Church. Although "status" 
is not, or should not be, an end in itself, it does provide a base of operation in 
what has increasingly become a politicized structure (the United Methodist 
Church). The first position created, in 1964, was the lay worker, defined as "a 
person other than clergy whose decision [is] to make a career of work ... in 

the employed status of the Church or Church-related agencies "^ The 1976 

General Conference approved the term "Diaconal Minister," which many 
hoped would lead to a permanent ordained diaconate in the United Methodist 
Church.* Two ways were provided by the Board of Diaconal Ministry of the 
Board of Higher Education and Ministry for educational preparation for 
consecration as a diaconal minister: a degree from a theological school or a 
series of studies designed to give general theological education (but not skill 


training) for the work. 

Perkins began offering these courses and has continued to do so with some 
measure of success. The courses offered at Perkins and at other seminaries have 
provided regular additions to the ranks of consecrated diaconal ministers who 
are increasingly recognized as an important addition to the United Methodist 
set-apart ministry. Such persons constitute a corps of full-time (and in some 
instances part-time) ministers other than the ordained clergy. As yet the United 
Methodist Church has not been willing to grant them ordination, but many 
annual conferences provide almost as many benefits to them as they do to the 
ordained clergy. 

Their work varies — "Participating with the elder in the leadership of wor- 
ship, working in serving professions in the Church, and serving the needs of the 

poor, the sick, or oppressed "'^Serving professions include education, music, 

business, and the like. 

Special Lectureships 

Perkins students have the opportunity of attending a wide variety of "occa- 
sional" lectures provided by visitors to the campus, with many open to the 
public. These are in addition to Ministers' Week which serves both as a means 
of continuing education (now required for both clergy and diaconal ministers) 
and an "old home" week. The Tate-Willson lectureship under the Graduate 
Program of Rehgious Studies was established in 1967 by Dr. and Mrs. J. M. 
Willson of Floydada, Texas. The Paul Elliott and Mildred Fryar Martin 
Lectureship in Practical Theology was established by Bishop and Mrs. Martin 
in 1 974 and features a lecturer in various ministry fields. The first was presented 
by Seward Hiltner, who has been followed by equally prestigious practical 

Continuing Education 

Almost from its beginning, SMU's School of Theology has recognized its 
responsibility for the continuing education of both clergy and laity. We have 
looked in previous chapters at some of the means it has used. It has never been 
completely devoid of such activities: for example. Ministers' Week has 
persisted for many years. In the 1940s and 1950s such efforts were fairly 
minimal. Then in 1966 Richard T. Murray became part of the Perkins Faculty 
coming from First Methodist Church, Houston. After a year of further graduate 
study, he came to Perkins and began setting up a program of Continuing 
Education involving clergy and laity both on campus and on site. 

One of the chief features of his program was the "Guided Reading Program" 
in which both clergy and laity met regularly to study a particular book using a 


Study guide provided by Continuing Education. Usually the study was com- 
pleted by an all-day seminar conducted by a Perkins professor or someone in 
a comparable position elsewhere." 

Other events included seminars on campus and other places, Laity Week, 
seminars during Ministers' Week, and similar events.'" This means of "reach- 
ing out" has proved an indispensable way by which both ordained and diaconal 
ministers keep up-to-date and fulfill the present requirements for engaging in 
continuing education. Dick Murray continued with the program until the late 
1970s, when for a short time John Holbert took over; more recently Stanley 
Menking has been brought from Drew University to direct the program. 

Research and Planning 

One of Marvin Judy's interests was the town and country church, a movement 
in which he achieved both recognition and competency. His other interest was 
the analysis of local churches, cities, counties, and annual conferences with an 
eye to planning for the future. 

In order to facilitate this work, the School established the Center for Research 
and Planning in 1965 with Judy as the Director. He had already made and 
published fourteen such studies;'^ now that he was freed from Field Education 
responsibilities and taught only half-time, he was able to continue this work on 
a larger scale until his retirement in 1977. Later renamed the Center for 
Research in Parish Leadership and Community Development, the Center also 
conducted numerous consultations, workshops, and seminars.''* 

Bridwell Library 

We have considered the phenomenal growth and progress of Bridwell Library 
at various places in the chronicle. Max Trent, SMU Director of Libraries, said 
to the Board of Governors in 1966, "Bridwell is becoming truly outstanding, 
not only nationally but internationally, due to its addition of rare and very 
important acquisitions."'^ 

This expansion of resources meant that the space in the original building — 
not really very extensive — had become a serious problem. Dean Quillian began 
talking with Mr. Bridwell in the mid-1960s concerning an addition to the 
library. The Dean had learned that Mr. Bridwell did not make contributions 
lightly, even to causes in which he believed as he did Bridwell Library. He had 
come to appreciate and treasure rare books, and the library which bore his name 
had become a real source of satisfaction to him. 

Eventually, however, Mr. Bridwell became committed to the idea of enlarg- 
ing the building, and a high-level meeting was held in Dallas between Mrs. 
Perkins (who had returned to Texas especially for the meeting), Mr. Bridwell, 


Decherd Turner, and Dean Quillian to talk seriously about the addition. After 
Dean Quillian had presented a tentative plan, Mr. Bridwell replied: "You're 
planning too small." Whereupon Mr. Bridwell led the others outside and 
stepped off the limits of what he considered adequate. And this became almost 
exactly the outside dimensions of the new addition.'^ 

Quillian recalls that Mr. Bridwell then asked, "Where are you going to get 
the money for this?" Mrs. Perkins replied, "Mr. Bridwell, we were hoping that 
you would give it." Mr. Bridwell then glanced around at the others and said, 
"Why don't you ask Margaret for it? She has a rich daddy and I don't!" 

The Bridwells, father Joseph S. Bridwell and daughter Margaret Bridwell 
Bowdle, eventually provided from their Foundation the entire amount, some- 
thing close to $2,000,000. In preparation, Quillian and Turner visited new 
libraries in Europe, all of which advised more "working space," by which they 
meant space for such services as cataloging. The building was built, more than 
doubling the size of the original building. It was dedicated in 1974, and at the 
ceremonies the announcement was made of the Decherd Turner Endowed 
Book Fund, also a gift from the Bridwell Foundation. '^ This fund eventually 
amounted to a million dollars. Joseph Bridwell died on 9 May 1 966, long before 
the completion of the greatly expanded library facility; his daughter Margaret 
died soon afterward, on 9 November 1976. 

Book acquisitions did require a strain on the remainder of the library 
operation. The ATS report of 26-29 October 1980, just after Jerry Campbell 
had become Librarian, is less kind to the library than it is to most aspects of 
Perkins School of Theology. It acknowledges freely the many fine collections 
in the library but points to places where the operation needed to be improved. 
Turner had operated with an incredibly small staff because he preferred to use 
budget and special gifts for the purchase of books. The committee not only 
pointed to this staffing inadequacy; it also assessed the periodical collection as 
inadequate. They pointed out the lack of Spanish language materials, indicated 
the need for a conservator, and recommended better cataloging for Methodist 
materials. The committee concluded by writing: 

The Bridwell Library is a fine library. Its special collections are outstand- 
ing. The working collection is good but needs to be strengthened. In order 
for the Perkins community to take full advantage of its rich library, services 
need to be greatly improved.'^ 

The task of correcting these weaknesses was begun by Jerry Campbell, who 
left in 1985 to become head librarian at Duke University. It was continued by 
Roger Loyd as interim librarian ( 1 985-87). The enterprise is now enhanced by 
the complete renovation and restoration of the Library, and by the expertise of 
Robert Maloy, director of the Bridwell since 1987.'^ 


This is not to discredit the magnificent thirty years of Decherd Turner' s work. 
His interests and talents lay elsewhere than in administration and organization. 
He was a superb collector and provided a base for Bridwell Library which gives 
it a depth that few theological libraries have. By 1981, it held 175,000 

Ministerial Education Fund 

In his report for 1980-81, Dean Quillian acknowledged that he had not been 
able to give as much time to the financial undergirding of Perkins as he had 
planned to do.-' The important part which he played in getting the Ministerial 
Education Fund under way perhaps made up for his failure to bring in as much 
new endowment as he had hoped. 

Regular gifts came from principal donors — the Bridwells (later the Bridwell 
Foundation) and Mrs. Perkins after her husband's death in 1960. Other gifts, 
for the Ph.D. program, for the internship, and for other aspects of the program 
did materialize. All the while educational costs were escalating. New programs 
at Perkins, such as the internship, continuing education, the Ph.D. program, the 
M.S.M. degree, and others further increased the operating budget." By 1974 
the budget was more than $2,400,000"'' and the trend continued until in 1987 
the amount was $4,435,822.'^ 

A major breakthrough in funding occurred in the establishment of the 
Ministerial Education Fund, at first on a jurisdictional basis and then in 1972 
as a responsibility of the General Conference. Annual, Jurisdictional, and the 
General Conference had increasingly supported the schools of theology of the 
Methodist Church, but the support was neither fully reliable nor adequate to 
meet the rising costs of theological education. 

In 1960 the Southeastern Jurisdiction, under the leadership of a lay person, 
D. W. Brooks, adopted a plan calling for one percent of the budget of each local 
church for the support of ministerial education. One-fourth was retained by the 
conference, with three-fourths divided between Candler and Duke."^ 

Dean Quillian, Dr. Ewart Watts (Chair of the Commission on Higher 
Education), Dr. Marvin Boyd (a Northwest Texas Conference pastor), and 
several lay persons began working on a South Central Jurisdictional Confer- 
ence plan in the early 1960s. It was presented to the 1964 Jurisdictional 
Conference and received favorable response from that body. The plan applied 
only to Perkins and St. Paul School of Theology in Kansas City.''' 

Across the next four years, the group worked out a General Conference plan. 
Quillian was President of the Association of Methodist Theological Schools, 
and it fell his lot to present the plan to the General Conference of 1968. 
Although it did not have the approval of the Commission on World Service and 
Finance — the financial agency of national Methodism — the new Ministerial 


Education Fund was passed by the General Conference by a substantial vote 
and was implemented in 1970." The plan was included in the 1972 Book of 
Discipline. It involved twenty-five percent of the money raised being returned 
to the annual conferences for their use in ministerial education, and the 
remainder being administered by the Division of Ordained Ministry of the 
Board of Higher Education and Ministry .^^ 

Bishop Kenneth Pope, of the Dallas-Fort Worth Area, had put his influence 
behind the earlier jurisdictional plan, and he now entered with equal enthusi- 
asm into the implementing of the General Conference plan. Perkins received 
$140,777.64 for 1970 and $249,689.54 for 1971.'' By 1977-78 the General 
Conference plan provided $740,000 for Perkins. ^° The M.E.F. has proved to be 
a lifeline to all United Methodist seminaries including Perkins. It has been said 
that some United Methodist seminaries might well have gone out of existence 
without the aid of this fund. 

Reaching Out 

Quillian's chairing of the Association of Methodist Theological Schools was 
only one of five major extramural responsibilities he carried during the 1970s. 
He served two years as the President of the Association of Theological Schools, 
the accrediting and supervising agency for theological education of the major 
churches of the United States and Canada. He was a member of the Executive 
Committee of the Fund for Theological Education. Beginning in 1960 he had 
been a part of the Wesley Works Project — a plan to publish a definitive edition 
of John Wesley's writings and still far from compete. He was chair of the 
Project for a number of years during the 1 970s, and, as seems often to have been 
his lot, had to exert a great deal of influence to keep the Project moving. The 
Council of Southwestern Theological Schools, a coordinating agency for the 
schools of theology of the Southwest, elected him president on three occa- 
sions.^' This was in addition to his visits to annual conferences, consultations 
with church officials, working with University administrators, and similar 
responsibilities. Although he made a serious attempt to turn over to the 
Associate Dean the internal workings of the School, it was difficult for him to 
do so. He was still "Dean of the Faculty," to use Associate Dean Ward's 
words,^^ a role which often involved his being the pastor in time of crisis and 
personal problems.^-^ 

Rank and Tenure/Leave Policy 

One of the most personal matters which faculty members face is their promo- 
tion in rank — from Instructor to Professor — and their receiving tenure, after 
which it is difficult to dismiss them except under extreme conditions. In the 



early days of the School, most faculty were employed as full professors. If they 
were not, their promotion was at the discretion of the Dean. 

This practice prevailed even through Dean Cuninggim's time, and therefore 
it was 1960 before an ad hoc Rank and Tenure Committee was appointed to 
advise the Dean on matters of promotion and tenure.^"* 

The policies of the Committee evolved during the next decade, and on 8 May 
1970, a firm policy much like what had been stated as early as 1961 was 
approved by the Senate. ''^ The three factors given most weight were teaching, 
scholarly productivity (writing), and service to Perkins, with service to SMU, 
the church, the academy in general, and the civil and cultural community the 
other criteria to be considered.''*' The larger University did not regularize its 
criteria until a decade later. 

In both instances a question must be raised as to whether the legitimate 
concern for scholarly production (writing) has not led to a "publish or perish" 
policy. It would appear that occasionally an excellent teacher is not promoted 
or given tenure on the basis of his or her lack of published material. To be sure, 
it would seem that any teacher alert to his or her subject matter would find both 
time and inclination to do some writing. Yet some of the best teachers I have 
known have done little or no writing. Is the primary business of a university to 
develop students or to encourage professors to do the kind of writing which will 
bring it recognition? 

Perkins has, to be sure, increasingly provided incentives for both junior and 
senior faculty to do scholarly work through its leave policy. New faculty are 
provided with time for writing in the early parts of their career, and a generous 
leave policy continues throughout one's teaching at Perkins. Yet as one who did 
engage in writing during his teaching career, I can be sympathetic with those 
who for one reason or another do not find it possible to do so — especially if I 
hear the students repeatedly extol their virtues as inspired teachers who care for 

Ecumenical and Interdenominational Concerns 

From its beginning SMU's School of Theology has been thoroughly grounded 
in the Methodist tradition and has recognized its first priority to be the 
preparation of a Methodist clergy for its ministry. Yet it has never been 
narrowly sectarian; its curriculum, as we saw earlier, was modeled after the 
German pattern of the "classic" theological disciplines with greater emphasis 
than in German universities on "training for the ministry." 

Most of the student body of the School of Theology was at first Methodist. 
As new degrees were added — especially the Ph.D.. the M.S.M., and the 
D.Min. — an increasing number of non-Methodist students received degrees. 


There have also been ways of helping students look beyond their own 
denomination, the earliest of these for students being the Interseminary 
Movement. Consisting of students from seminaries throughout the country, it 
provided students with an ecumenical experience they received nowhere else/^ 
In 1946, W. Richey Hogg, then a recent Duke Divinity School graduate serving 
as the Traveling Secretary of the Interseminary Movement, addressed a 
regional conference at SMU organized and chaired by Neill McFarland, at that 
time a senior student at Perkins. 

A variety of special emphasis weeks have emerged, many of which help 
provide ecumenical experiences for students: for example, Missionary Empha- 
sis, Third World Theology, International Students' Week, Women's Week, 
Black Emphasis Week, and Mexican-American Emphasis Week. The provid- 
ing of a global perspective on the church is still far from adequate, but at least 
some progress has been made in that direction. 

Two official interdenominational efforts originated in the 1950s and 1960s. 
The Council of Southwestern Theological Schools was formed in 1958 as a 
vehicle for the Southwestern seminaries to work together and to sponsor 
summer seminars for participants of the schools.^^ After retiring from Perkins, 
Hemdon Wagers became part-time director of C.O.S.T.S. and served in that 
capacity for several years. 

The Institute of Religion, its founding director being Dawson Bryan of the 
Texas Conference, was established to correlate the Clinical Pastoral Education 
certification program of the Houston Medical Center. At first related to the 
S.T.M. degree, it later became the principal means of doing the D.Min. at 

Growing out of the leadership of Albert Outler of Perkins and David Balas 
of the Cistercian Seminary at the University of Dallas, the Seminar on the 
Development of Catholic Christianity began in 1967. Its concern at its four 
yearly meetings is that period of church history between the last of the New 
Testament writings and the more systematic works of the third and fourth 
centuries. Partly because of this seminar, a good working relationship devel- 
oped between the two seminaries.^^ 

Another ecumenical organization grew out of the interest of William R. 
Farmer, a New Testament professor at Perkins, and Father Bernard Orchard, a 
Benedictine monk in England. They were later joined by David Dungan from 
the University of Tennessee. After some ten years of discussion with special 
concern for the order in which the Gospels were written, the International 
Instimte for the Renewal of Gospel Studies was chartered in 1980. Three of the 
seven fellows selected by the Institute have been related to Perkins: alumni 
Phillip Shuler and David Peabody, and faculty member William Farmer. One 


recent publication of the Institute, a bibliograpliy of all materials dealing with 
the Synoptic problem since 1915, was done by Page Thomas/" 

In addition, Perkins faculty members have participated in existing ecumeni- 
cal movements. These have included the Dallas Community of Churches, the 
Texas Council of Churches, the National Council of Churches, and the World 
Council of Churches. Albert Cutler's leadership especially in the WCC began 
in 1952 when he was a delegate to the Third World Conference on Faith and 
Order at Lund, Sweden. He became actively involved in the Faith and Order 
Commission, and from 1953 to 1963 was chair of the American Section of the 
Theological Commission on Tradition and Traditions, an attempt to relate the 
different denominational traditions to the one tradition of the Christian faith. 
He was instrumental in the New Delhi statement (1961) on "The Unity We 
Seek" and continued his intensive activity for two more years.^' 

By the early 1960s he was also active in the theological preparations for the 
Consultation on Church Union, an attempt of churches to understand what kind 
of unity could be achieved. His participation in Vatican Council II took him 
beyond Protestant ecumenism and was important for the Council, since he not 
only understood the Catholic tradition better than many bishops but also helped 
them with their Latin, in which he was a specialist.^' A story — I'm sure apoc- 
ryphal — is that at the opening meeting of one of the sessions of Vatican II, the 
Pope scanned the assemblage carefully and finally, with gusto, asked, "Where' s 

John Deschner became a member of the Faith and Order Commission of the 
World Council of Churches in 1968 and its Moderator in 1982. This activity has 
kept Deschner busy in two ways: It has taken him to meetings of the Faith and 
Order Commission throughout the world, and it has required an unbelievable 
amount of writing to interpret the body's decisions. He has been one of the 
principal architects of statements from the Commission, and under his leader- 
ship decisions have been reached on a number of tough problems confronting 
the ecumenical church. We are far from unity, but remarkable progress has been 

The National Council of Churches has had less Perkins faculty participation 
than other councils. The work of Bishop William C. Martin occurred while he 
was still bishop of the Dallas-Fort Worth Area. His courage in standing up for 
what was then — and still is — a controversial organization cannot be empha- 
sized too much. 

Nothing has been said, although it is important, of the ecumenical experi- 
ences of individual faculty in scholarly and professional organizations. My 
own experience in attending such meetings was that I not only learned of new 
and exciting developments in my field but also came to know persons of all 


communions, including during the last few years especially Roman Catholic 

The Perkins faculty itself has become increasingly ecumenical in nature. 
Although some Methodists are not pleased with this movement, the faculty 
believes that this diversity helps prepare students for the pluralistic religious 
world they face in the parish today. 

Student Life 

Students were never quite so busy as they were during the first years of the 
shared governance plan. With twelve (later fifteen) students as members of the 
Senate and twenty-one additional ones involved in committees, almost one- 
tenth of the student body had an official position. In addition the Student 
Association involved about an equal number (some of whom duplicated those 
participating in the Senate or Senate committees). 

Worship Committee. Perhaps the most hard-working committee, related 
both to Senate and Student Council, has been the Worship Committee (which 
also has faculty members). It is so far as I can determine one of the oldest 
functioning student groups on campus, the oldest being the Student Council. 
The Worship Committee was a fully established and recognized committee 
when I was a student from 1 937 to 1 940, and goes back at least to the early 1 930s 
when the faculty, who had been in charge of worship, either tired of the job or 
gave up trying to get the work done, and turned it over to the students. The 
committee's task includes all official services of worship except those under 
the auspices of minority groups , and requires a great deal of student time in spite 
of the unusually good organization of the Committee into various work 

Seminary Singers. Also an enduring student organization has been the 
Seminary Singers, now fifty years old. In its present form, the Singers were 
organized by Fred Gealy in 1939 and made their first trip, a weekend in West 
Texas (in a school bus!), the following spring."^ They presented a program of 
Christmas music in 1948 as the last chapel service of the semester."^ 

In 1970 the Singers made a goodwill trip to Mexico in addition to their yearly 
tour. The Dean at the 1 April 1 970 Senate meeting commended them "not only 
for their performance but also for the fine manner in which they served as 
emissaries from the United Methodist Church and the nation.'"*^ In 1971 
women became members of the Singers, singing the tenor parts.'*^ A few years 
later the Singers became a mixed chorus. 

Christmas Worship Service. In the fall of 1959 Richey Hogg, who then 
chaired the Community Affairs Committee, stated to that body that he felt 
keenly the lack at Perkins of a Christmas worship service for the whole 



community, alluding to the traditional Christmas services he remembered from 
Yale Divinity School, and suggested that the committee authorize a similar and 
ongoing Christmas observance at Perkins. 

Following the Yale pattern, he proposed a Christmas dinner, which spouses 
could also attend, in the evening in the Perkins Hall Cafeteria, and then going 
into the Chapel for the community celebration of Christmas. The latter would 
include Scripture and prayers, choral music and congregational singing, and 
the presentation of a Christmas sermon from the treasury of the church's 

The committee responded positively, agreed that this should be an annual 
event, and asked committee member Lloyd Pfautsch to be responsible for the 
music and requested Grady Hardin to arrange for the sermon and prayers. The 
community's response was enthusiastic, and Dean Cuninggim began to speak 
of "Perkins' annual traditional Christmas worship service." 

From the outset Pfautsch set the pattern by including together the Seminary 
Singers and the University Choir. After two years, the committee dropped the 
dinner as too unwieldy. From 1960, the Catalog's calendar has listed the date 
for the Christmas worship, and from 1961 the observance has required two 
services, at 4:00 p.m. and 8:00 p.m. Each year the designated preacher has chosen 
one of the seven short sermons or reflections from Prof. Roland Sainton's The 
Martin Luther Christmas Book,^^ but across the years it seems that no one has 
sought to go much beyond this collection. 

Over three decades, Lloyd Pfautsch (1959-64), Cariton R. (Sam) Young 
(1964-75), and Roger N. Deschner (1975-90) have directed the Seminary 
Singers and have taken major responsibility for the music. Yet, except for one 
year, Pfautsch from the beginning has provided shared leadership annually, has 
directed the University Choir, and has been a creative enabler throughout. 
Moreover, Robert T. Anderson, performing at the organ each year from 1960, 
has made his own notable contribution to the glory and beauty of this unique 
worship experience. 

The Christmas worship service has now entered its fourth decade, and has be- 
come an integral, traditional part of Perkins School of Theology and of SMU."*' 

Student Spouses. Another group that has been active in a variety of ways has 
been the student spouses (student wives for most of its history). Begun as early 
as the 1940s, it was especially encouraged by Whitty Cuninggim during the 
1950s. Study groups (to help them keep up with what their husbands were 
learning), interest groups, service projects, a Women's Society of Christian 
Service circle, and other programs have been a part of the activities sponsored.^" 

Perkins Student Foundation. Although begun slightly later than the period 
with which we are concerned in this chapter, the Perkins Student Foundation 


is too important not to be mentioned at this time. The only organization with 
a restricted membership, some of its members represent other organizations 
and some are elected at large. It performs a variety of services to the School, 
including the recruitment of students, assisting in Perkins development pro- 
grams such as the annual Phonathon, speaking to campus visitors, and similar 
activities. Perkins puts its best foot forward in the Student Foundation and 
selects some of its top students to represent the school at various functions and 
to become partners with staff in enhancing the work of the School.^' 

Special Interest Groups. As we saw in a previous chapter, during the late 
1960s and the early 1970s special interest groups emerged. Among these were 
the Black Seminarians, the Chicano Seminarians, the Perkins Women's 
Association, the Evangelical (Wesleyan) Fellowship, and others.^^ It was in- 
evitable that this should happen, and they have served a useful purpose of 
giving a sense of belonging to persons with special interests. It appears to me, 
however, that some of the groups give preference to "their" group over the 
interests of the larger School. Theological education at Perkins is just not what 
it once was, with the large variety of interests among older students, town 
students who pursue the M.T.S. degree, and the fact that most students, and 
many spouses, work at secular as well as church jobs. Nor am I sure that the 
problem has been faced creatively by the school. We talk a great deal about 
community but have found ourselves relying mostly on the special interest 
groups to bring it about. 

Student Awards and Prizes. A word should be said about student awards and 
prizes. As of 1981 the following were awarded annually: the B'nai B'rith 
Award in Social Ethics; the Dr. and Mrs. J. P. Bray Award in Hebrew; the W. 
B. DeJemett Award in Homiletics; the AlbertC. Outler A ward in Theology; the 
Senior (Dr. and Mrs. Glenn Flinn) Award; the Charles T. and Jessie James Bible 
Award; the Paul W. Quillian Award in Homiletics; the Charles Claude 
Selecman Award in New Testament Greek; the Karis Stahl Fadely Scholarship 
Award; the Elsa Cook Award; and the Master of Sacred Music Award." In 
addition to these are the John M. Moore Fellowship for students doing graduate 
work, and a host of other scholarships provided by individuals, local churches, 
Sunday school classes, and annual conferences. 


How does one adequately tell the story of an institution? It may be impossible. 
I am aware that lapses in content exist in what I have said. Indeed, some parts 
of this account may have bored the reader, but they seemed necessary to 
understand the hfe and ethos of Perkins School of Theology . The Quillian years 
have been especially difficult to write about because so much of interest took 



place. Yet really to know the School, one needs the material incorporated in this 

We will close this long account of the 1 960s and 1 970s with a statement Dean 

Quillian made in his 1980-81 report. He wrote: 
The best years of Perkins School of Theology are yet ahead. The founda- 
tion on which to build is sound. With the relative inner health of the school 
and with the present favorable relationships with the University, Church 
and region, this seminary should make more progress in the next ten years 
than has been made in the past thirty years. I happily conclude my part in 
the succession of deans with that confident expectation.'^"' 

Epilogue I 
The Kirby Years: 1981- 

In the ten academic years between the coming of James E. Kirby, Jr., as Dean 
and this writing, 1981 to 1991, change has been a constant. No recapitulation 
of such recent events can pretend to stand at sufficient historical distance to see 
the decade clearly. But too much of importance has occurred to allow this 
volume to end with the year 1981, where Howard Grimes laid down his 
narrator's pen. 

James E. Kirby 

On 1 July 1981, James E. Kirby, Jr., came to Perkins School of Theology as 
Dean. Son of Dr. and Mrs. J. Edmund Kirby, his father a Northwest Texas 
Conference Methodist pastor, Kirby was educated at McMurry College (B.A., 
1954), Perkins School of Theology of Southern Methodist University (B.D., 
1957;S.T.M., 1959), and Drew University (Ph.D., 1963). His dissertation topic 
was "The Ecclesiastical and Social Thought of Matthew Simpson." 

Dean Kirby 's professional career includes service as a Methodist pastor 
(Roby, Texas, 1958-60; Milford, Pennsylvania, 1960-61). He taught in the 
Religion department at Sweet Briar College (1963-67) and at Oklahoma State 
University (1967-76); there, he was Head of the Department of Religion 
(1967-70) and then Director of the School of Humanistic Studies (1970-76). 
From 1976 to 198 1 , Kirby was Dean and Professor of Church History at Drew 
Theological Seminary, Drew University, Madison, New Jersey. 

Among other distinctions, Kirby holds the honor of being the first graduate 
of Perkins School of Theology to return as its Dean. Kirby is married to Patty 
Boothe Kirby, herself a Perkins graduate (M.R.E., 1956); they have two 

Changes in Faculty and Administration^ 

1981-82. During the year, new additions to the faculty and staff were James E. 
Kirby, Jr., Dean and Professor of Church History; Joan Ronck, Director of 
Perkins Development; and Laura H. Randall, Catalog Librarian. In June 1981, 
Richard Stewart resigned from the Intern Staff. In June 1982, James F. White 
joined the Notre Dame faculty. Charles Allen moved to the SMU Development 
Office; Barbara Ruth, Director of Community Life, took an appointment in the 



Southwest Texas Conference, as did Dale Hensarling in Mississippi. C. Wayne 
Banks retired. 

1982-83. Joining the faculty and staff were Guy D. Garrett, Director of 
Academic Procedures and Professor of Missions and Ecumenics; Susanne 
Johnson, in Christian Education; Lynn Mims, in the Intern faculty; and Linn M. 
Richardson (now Caraway), as Director of Admissions. David Lowes Watson 
added duties as Director of Community Life to his teaching. Claus Rohlfs 
retired after fall 1982; James Gwaltney left his part-time Intern Staff position 
at year's end to pursue a private consulting practice. 

1983-84. New members of the faculty and staff were Bert Affleck, as 
Director of the Intern Program, Director of the Course of Study School, and 
teaching Practical Theology; Maijorie Procter-Smith, in Worship; Patsy Affleck, 
Secretary to the Librarian; and Alice Mongold, Periodicals Librarian. John 
Deschner was named Lehman Professor of Christian Doctrine. Four faculty 
members were named as University Distinguished Professors: John Deschner, 
Theology; Victor P. Furnish, New Testament; Schubert M. Ogden, Theology; 
and Robert Anderson, Organ and Sacred Music. John Holbert became Director 
of Continuing Education and of the Doctor of Ministry Program. In November, 
Lois Craddock Perkins died in Wichita Falls^ (see this chapter's end). In June 
1984, Douglas E. Jackson retired; Joan Ronck left for family reasons; David 
Lowes Watson went to the staff of the United Methodist Church's Board of 

1984-85. David Maldonado joined the faculty in Church and Society; John 
Holbert was reassigned to teach Preaching; Virgil Howard joined the Intern 
Faculty. In January 1985, Stanley Menking came as Director of Continuing 
Education, Director of the Doctor of Ministry Program, and Professor of 
Practical Theology. New staff members were Beverly Sawyer, as Associate 
Dean of Community Life; James Lewis, as Director of Development; and 
Linda K. Umoh, Catalog Librarian. On 22 February 1985, the Texas Confer- 
ence of the United Methodist Church formally presented the Albert C. Outler 
Chair in Wesley Studies to SMU, complete with a $ 1 million endowment.'' 
Richard Heitzenrater was named the first Albert Cook Outler Professor of 
Wesley Studies, effective 1 September 1985. The family of Lois Craddock 
Perkins announced their gift of $ 1 .25 million to endow a chair in homiletics in 
her memory.^ Also, the Bridwell library director's position was endowed with 
a gift of $1 million to fund the J. S. Bridwell Foundation Endowed Librarian. 
In spring 1985, Saul Trinidad Camargo, of the Latin American Biblical 
Seminary in Costa Rica, was a visitor and offered lectures and workshops. 

In June 1985, three faculty members left to join other faculties: Harold 
Attridge (Notre Dame), Phyllis Bird (Garrett-Evangelical Theological Semi- 

THE KIRBY YEARS: 1 98 1 - 197 

nary), and Charles B. Thomas (University of Pennsylvania). Jerry D. Campbell 
became Director of Libraries of Duke University; Roger Loyd was named 
acting Director of Bridwell Library. On 3 1 May 1985, John Hooper retired as 
Head of the library's Circulation Department, in which position he is believed 
to have been the first African- American member of the SMU staff in a role other 
than custodian or groundskeeper. Bishop William C. Martin, long-time friend 
of Perkins and its second Bishop in Residence, died in Little Rock, Arkansas, 
on 30 August 1984. Rabbi Levi A. Olan, distinguished visiting member of the 
faculty until 1980, died in Dallas on 17 October 1984. 

1985-86. James Wharton was installed as the Lois Craddock Perkins 
Professor of Homiletics. William K. McElvaney, previously President of the 
St. Paul School of Theology, joined the faculty as the LeVan Professor of 
Preaching and Worship. William J. Abraham came as McCreless Associate 
Professor of Evangelism. Ellen Lethcoe (later Frost) joined the library as 
Acquisitions Clerk (Acquisitions Manager from 1987), as did Craig Haynes 
(Circulation). Leaving were Jane Marshall, to private teaching, and Craig L. 
Emerick, to a private consulting practice. 

1986-87. New faculty and staff members were Mary Lou Santillan Baert in 
the Intern faculty; Jouette Bassler, in New Testament; Theodore D. Walker, Jr., 
in Ethics and Society; and Mary (Mimi) Davis, in Reference, Bridwell Library. 
W. Richey Hogg retired at the end of the academic year. James Lewis accepted 
a development position with Millsaps College; Martha Gilmore accepted a 
North Texas Conference appointment; Alice Mongold left the library staff. 

Early in the academic year, the National Collegiate Athletic Association 
placed SMU on probation for violations associated with the football program, 
then in February suspended the football program from competition for two 
years and assessed other penalties;^ further description of these events is be- 
yond the scope of this chapter. President L. Donald Shields resigned due to ill 
health; William B. Stallcup was named President ad interim. In late May, A. 
Kenneth Pye of Duke University was named as SMU's ninth President.^ 

SMU celebrated the 75th anniversary of its founding during the year, notably 
with a Founders Day Convocation on 19 January 1987. 

1987-88. New Perkins faculty and staff members were Danna Nolan Fewell, 
in Old Testament; Kenneth W. Hart, Director of the Master of Sacred Music 
Program and Professor of Sacred Music; Robert Maloy, first holder of the 
newly endowed chair as the J. S. Bridwell Foundation Endowed Librarian 
(Director of the Bridwell Library) and Professor of Church History; and M. M. 
Thomas (of India), Visiting Professor of World Christianity. Lillie Jenkins- 
Carter joined the library staff as Manager of Loans (previously called Circula- 
tion), following Craig Haynes' s resignation to accept a library position else- 


where. In summer 1987, Lynn Mims accepted appointment to a church in the 
Oklahoma Conference. In the spring, H. Neill McFarland retired, and W. 
McFerrin Stowe retired as Bishop in Residence. Beverly Sawyer resigned for 
health reasons; Susanne Johnson was appointed to be Associate Dean of 
Community Life. Patsy Affleck took new responsibilities as Coordinator of 
Perkins Chapel. 

1988-89. New faculty and staff were Marilyn Spurrell Atkins and Thomas 
W. Spann, in the Intern faculty; John Wesley Hardt, as Bishop in Residence; 
Bishop James S. Thomas, as Distinguished Visiting Professor of Practical 
Theology; Yap Kim Hao (of Malaysia and Singapore), as Visiting Professor of 
World Christianity. David J. Lawrence became Secretary to the Librarian; in 
January, Laura Randall transferred within the library to become Reference 
Librarian. In June 1988, Ruth T. Bamhouse retired; Mary (Mimi) Davis left the 
library staff. Bishop W. McFerrin Stowe, who had served both as Bishop in 
Residence and as a member of the teaching faculty, died in November 1988. 

1989-90. The faculty additions for the year were C. Clifton Black, in New 
Testament; Ruben L. F. Habito, in History of Religions; and in January, 
Edward W. Poitras, in World Christianity. New library staff were Russell 
Morton, as second Reference Librarian; Jon Speck, Exhibits Curator; and 
Roberta Cox, Coordinator for Public Events. D. Lyle Dabney taught during the 
year as an adjunct member of the faculty, in Systematic Theology. In June 1 989, 
J. William Matthews left to join the North Texas Conference Council staff. 
Schubert Ogden ended his service as Director of the Graduate Program in 
Religious Studies; William S. Babcock succeeded him in the office. 

During the academic year, death removed several long-time Perkins leaders 
from the scene. Bishop W. Kenneth Pope, who had been another of the Bishops 
in Residence, died in June of 1989. Albert C. Outler died in September;^ Lewis 
Howard Grimes died in December 1 989. Former Associate Dean of Community 
Life Beverly Sawyer died in an Arkansas automobile accident in January 1990. 

1990-91. Millicent C. Feske joined the faculty in Systematic Theology. 
James M. Ward returned to full-time teaching; Dean Kirby appointed Charles 
M. Wood as Associate Dean for Academic Affairs and Marilyn Alexander as 
Director of Alumni Relations. New members of the Bridwell Library staff were 
Isaac Gewirtz, in Special Collections, and Jan Sobota, in Conservation. The end 
of the academic year was marked by the retirements of John Deschner and 
William R. Farmer. Hemdon Wagers, first Director of the Graduate Program 
in Religious Studies, died in October 1990. 

At the March 1 faculty meeting, Dean Kirby announced that two searches for 
faculty had been successfully concluded. In Christian Education, Susanne 
Johnson (after a term as Associate Dean for Community Life) rejoined the full- 

THEKiRBY years: 1981- 199 

time faculty. In Systematic Theology, Ellen T. Charry agreed to join the faculty 
in September 1992. And at the final faculty meeting, May 3, Dean Kirby 
announced the completion of the faculty search in Pastoral Care with the 
appointment of Patricia H. Davis. Thus, for the first time in several years, there 
remained no active search committees for faculty vacancies. 

Curricula and Degrees 

On 20 February 1981, the Perkins Senate renamed the M.Th. as the Master of 
Divinity (M.Div.) degree, in conjunction with the new curriculum.'^ On 1 6 April 
1982, the Senate adopted the new curriculum, including a new Master of 
Theological Studies degree.'" Joseph L. Allen chaired the Committee to Study 
the Curriculum. 

Requirements to graduate included 72 semester hours of course work and an 
internship, for which 1 2 semester hours of credit were awarded. In addition, 
each student was required to be involved in an interethnic experience, in which 
one would spend up to 40 hours per semester in an ethnic setting other than 
one's own. A notable addition to course requirements was the one-hour course 
in Formation, for first-year students. Required courses were:" 

Bible 12s.h. 

History of Christianity 6 s.h. 

History and Phenomenology of Religion 3 s.h. 

Theological Studies 12 s.h. 

Systematic Theology 6 s.h. 

Moral Theology 3 s.h. 

Advanced course 3 s.h. 

The Church and Its Ministry 15 s.h. 

Introduction to Ministry 5 s.h. 

Formation 1 s.h. 

Preaching in Christian Worship 3 s.h. 

Courses in two other functions 6 s.h. 

of ministry 
Advanced seminar in theology and ministry 3 s.h. 

The United Methodist Church required all candidates for ordination to 
complete six additional hours in United Methodist history, doctrine, and polity. 
The new Master of Theological Studies degree was designed "to offer 
sustained theological study at the master' s level for persons who wish to pursue 
such study for personal or professional reasons, but who do not seek, or are 
uncertain about seeking, ordination."'- It required the completion of 48 semes- 
ter hours of approved course work, including a minimum of six semester hours 
per division. M.T.S. students often transferred into other degree programs, 


especially the M.Div. (and vice versa), since the courses taken were the same. 

Minor revisions in curricular requirements continued to be made. But on 26 
January 1990, the faculty approved a major revision of the curriculum, 
recommended by the Curriculum Review Committee chaired by Charles M. 
Wood. It added a new required course (Introduction to Theological Studies), 
reduced the total number of required hours to 39, expanded the number of 
elective hours to 30 (33 in the first version adopted) and provided for 
"concentrations" within each student's studies, and modified the requirements 
for the Internship so that a two-year internship might be taken concurrently with 
one's course work. 

The required courses of the 1990 version of the curriculum were:'^ 

Introduction to Theological Studies 3 s.h. 

Division I: The BibUcal Witness 9 s.h. 

Interpretation of the Bible 6 s.h. 

Biblical exegesis course 3 s.h. 

Division II: The Heritage of the Christian 
Witness in Its Religious and 

Cultural Context 9 s.h. 

History of Christianity 3 s.h. 

Intermediate course in history 3 s.h. 

Religion in a Global Perspective 3 s.h. 

Division III: The Interpretation of the 

Christian Witness 9 s.h. 

Interpretation of the Christian 

Message 6 s.h. 

Moral Theology 3 s.h. 

Division IV: The Witness of the 

Church and Its Ministry 9 s.h. 

Introduction to Preaching 3 s.h. 

Introductory courses in two other 6 s.h. 

areas of ministry 

Each student was required to propose and complete a 12-semester-hour 
"concentration," a group of courses related to each other to permit the student 
to pursue some particular area of interest. Usually, concentrations would 
involve more than one division's courses. In its curricular proposal, the 
Committee suggested the following as illustrative of concentrations: Christian 
Spirituality, Church and Society, Pastoral Leadership, Christian Preaching and 
the Biblical Witness, The Christian Faith and Other Faiths, and Hebrew Old 

THEKiRBY years: 1981- 201 

In addition to the new curriculum, the faculty adopted strategies for making 
it possible for persons with difficult schedules to attend and graduate from the 
M.Div. curriculum. For example, in 1989-90, the required courses were 
scheduled so that first-year part-time students could attend on Tuesday and 
Thursday only, and so that second-year students could attend on Wednesday 
and Friday only. A further refinement, scheduled to begin in 1991-92, is the 
offering of significant numbers of courses in the evenings. 

Student Enrollment 

Student enrollment (measured in the fall semester) grew toward mid-decade, 
then declined, both in persons and in full-time equivalents (FTE):'"* 

















































Enrollment in the fall of 1989 in all programs was as follows: M.Div., 250; 
M.R.E., 17; M.S.M., 24; M.T.S., 29; D.Min., 54; Ph.D., 19; M.A., 2; non- 
degree, 6; auditor, 2.'^ 

The 1990 ATS self-study analysis revealed that, in the 1989-90 student body 
of 326 in masters-level degree programs, 298 were Methodist (9 1 %), with 276 
being United Methodist (85% of all students). There were 188 men (57%) and 
138 women (43%). There were 38 African-Americans (12%), 11 Hispanics 
(3%), 7 Asian- Americans (1%), 1 Native American, and 18 international 
students (6%). The entering class of 1989 averaged 33.6 years of age; for the 
first time in the School's history, there were more students in their thirties 
(42%) than in their twenties (31%)."' 

The 1990 ATS self-study also provided data concerning students in the 
Graduate Program in Religious Studies. The report lists 6 graduates with the 
M. A. in ReUgious Studies and 37 graduates with the Ph.D. in Religious Studies 
(through 1988); of the Ph.D. graduates, 24 then held positions as professors in 
universities, seminaries, or other academic institutions.'^ 


Bridwell Library'^ 

One of the salient aspects of the 1990 ATS self-study is the thorough discussion 
of the Bridwell Library's development during the previous decade. The report, 
prepared by the faculty ' s Committee on the Library in consultation with library 
director Dr. Robert Maloy, sets forth the renewed vision for the library's role, 
out of which emerged plans for and accomplishing of the library's total 
renovation. The faculty adopted a Statement of Mission for the library, setting 
forth the renewed vision in succinct form, on 6 November 1989. 

From the arrival in August 1987 of Robert Maloy as the Bridwell Library's 
third director, a high priority became the renovation of the total library building. 
The J. S. Bridwell Foundation gave a multi-million dollar gift for the renova- 
tion, supplemented by an additional major gift from Charles N. Prothro of 
Wichita Falls to provide a major exhibition gallery, named the Elizabeth 
Perkins Prothro Galleries in honor of his wife and celebrating their fiftieth 
wedding anniversary. 

The architectural firm of Hellmuth, Obata & Kassabaum designed the 
renovation in consultation with the librarian. Construction forced closing of the 
library facility from June 1988 until June 1989, with some renovations 
continuing into November 1989. Library services were provided in the base- 
ment rooms of nearby S. B. Perkins Hall, known as "Bridwell-in-exile." 

Features of the renovated facility, which was formally rededicated in 
ceremonies on 19 October 1989, include comfortable seating in quiet reading 
rooms, individual studies for persons with long-term research projects, electri- 
cally operated movable bookstacks (to conserve space), a rare book reading 
room, and the refitting of restrooms and other modifications to provide more 
adequate access for persons who use wheelchairs or who have other disabili- 
ties. Also in 1989, the university libraries (including Bridwell) began offering 
the library catalog in computer-based form, naming the service "PONI" (Public 
ONline Information). 

Moreover, the library staff has grown and provides new services: a reference 
librarian is available to assist readers; a conservator works to preserve bindings 
and paper; a special collections librarian devotes full time to guiding the 
library's distinctive and important special collections. Also, staff members 
prepare and promote exhibitions in the new Prothro Galleries, which were 
formally dedicated on 14 January 1990; fittingly, the first exhibition was "The 
Bible: 100 Landmarks from the Elizabeth Perkins Prothro Collection." 

A Death in the Family 

Lois Craddock Perkins died on 20 November 1983 in Wichita Falls, Texas. 
With her death, none of the principal benefactors who made possible the 

THEKiRBY years: 1981- 203 

present campus of Perkins School of Theology remained. In tribute to her years 
of dedication to the work of Perkins School of Theology, a busload of faculty 
and students attended her memorial service in Wichita Falls on 22 November, 
with former Dean Joseph D. Quillian offering the sermon eulogy. On 19 
January 1984, the Perkins community joined in a memorial service in the 
Perkins Chapel, with Dean James E. Kirby offering the sermon, entitled 
"Making the Vision a Reality."'^ 

Bridwell Library staff members prepared a small exhibition of letters and 
other memorabilia marking the contributions of the Perkins family to the 
School of Theology. In one letter, dated 4 March 1960, Mrs. Perkins greets 
newly appointed Dean Quillian: 
For myself and my husband, who is not able to write, I want to welcome 
you to the Deanship (if there is such a word) of Perkins Seminary. . . . 

Perkins School and SMU are the two greatest interests of our lives. We 
have been proud of the progress made since we gave the physical plant. But 
we are also aware, that buildings do not make a great Seminary. It has to 
turn out great Spiritual ministers. 

I want to assure you that in spite of our interest in Perkins, we will never 
interfere in the least. Just our prayers and best wishes will be with you.^° 
Perhaps the most fitting memorial to Lois Perkins comes from another of her 
letters to Dean Quillian, dated 9 February 1967, in which she sends thanks for 
a book of tributes given her, including one by former Dean Eugene B. Hawk. 
Mrs. Perkins wrote: 
One said to Dr. Hawk, "Dean Hawk, how did you know where to go to find 
all of this money?" Dean Hawk's answer was, "I didn't go out looking for 
money. I went out looking for a man and a woman with generous impulses 
in whose hearts I could plant a vision and whom I could inspire to respond 
to make the vision a reality." 
If I am worthy I would like to have that on my tombstone.-' 

Roger Loyd 

Epilogue II 
Toward 2000 

It would have been impossible for most to have imagined, or for even the best- 
informed persons to have predicted, the nature or the magnitude of the changes 
which have occurred in theological education during the four decades Howard 
Grimes taught at Perkins. Except for the fact that seminaries today continue to 
prepare persons for work in the various forms of ministry, and carry on the 
mission of theological research and reflection on the life and witness of the 
Church, little else is the same. 

The once-traditional student — an Anglo male, fresh out of college — is now 
the exception. In mainline Protestant student bodies they number somewhere 
on the average between one-fourth to one-third of the total enrollment. General 
interest in the ministry itself has diminished. Among today's college freshmen, 
somewhere between one and two percent indicate a willingness to consider any 
form of ministry as a life's work. The bulk of today's typical student body con- 
sists of females, ethnic persons, and international students. Our typical semi- 
narian is a second- or third-career person in their mid-thirties. 

The cost of theological education has soared. In the early years of Howard 
Grimes's career there was no tuition at Perkins. The church, through the 
seminary, expected to provide for the education of prospective clergy. Today 
a serious question for our students is how much debt they can prudently assume 
to meet the cost of a theological education, and how much of its cost they can 
be expected to bear. These ever-increasing costs coupled with the nature of our 
new student population have shifted every seminary to a regional focus. Even 
the best-known schools in the country now tend to draw students from the 
immediately surrounding area. Any serious claim to be a national seminary is 
difficult to support. Persons choosing a seminary look first at institutions which 
are in proximity to their homes. Despite the existence of thirteen denomina- 
tional seminaries located from coast to coast, one-half of United Methodist 
seminarians are enrolled in schools which are not United Methodist. The option 
to select the very best school without regard to location and move to it in order 
to enjoy an extended time in a new environment is simply unavailable to many 
of today's students. Moreover, after they arrive most of them are required to 



spend blocks of time in church-related or secular employment in order to pay 
their bills. 

These practical considerations have changed the nature of the seminary 
experience, and have made a dramatic impact on the way in which the 
educational task itself is conceived. In no form of professional education is it 
more essential for the student to interact with faculty and peers; to have 
extended time for reflective thought and meditation; to worship in the chapel; 
and to participate in the variety of activities which are common in our 

Today ' s class schedule is designed to accommodate a part-time, commuting 
student. Many of them can spend no more than two days a week on campus. 
There is more concern among them to learn the "practical" skills which will 
enhance their ministry, and to get out as soon as possible. And, as a result, 
faculties are less satisfied with the learning environment than they were in the 
past. If they could change it to be more like it was forty years ago, they probably 

In the ordinary course of M.Div. studies there is a new emphasis in Protestant 
seminaries on formation. It has always been a part of the Roman Catholic 
tradition, but has only been adopted by us in recent years. Moreover, there is 
today a great deal more attention given to education which should take place 
after the student graduates from the seminary — education during the proba- 
tionary years and continuing education. Among United Methodists, a regular 
and approved program of continuing education is required by annual confer- 
ences for all active clergy. The seminary, in concert with the judicatories, is 
expected to assume a pivotal role in providing these opportunities. We are more 
alert to the issues of what should be taught when, where, and by whom than ever 
in the past. New degree programs, especially the Doctor of Ministry, have been 
created in response to the demand for more structured continuing education 
among active clergy persons. Howard Grimes was the first Director of the 
Doctor of Ministry program at Perkins. 

Most annual conferences in the United Methodist Church now offer ex- 
tended programs which are required of seminary graduates in the process 
leading to ordination. Many practical skills required for effectiveness in 
ministry can be better taught by experienced practitioners to persons who are 
engaged in their ministry. Other subjects are better considered in the traditional 
classroom setting. The future will surely demand of both school and denomi- 
nation a larger commitment to work together in the educational task. At the 
moment, however, we lack the full and interactive dialogue which will make 
it effective. The decade of the nineties requires that to change. 

Given the fundamental shifts which have already taken place in theological 

TOWARD 2000 207 

education, what can we expect in the years ahead? What opportunities and 
challenges await us as we seek to work in closer cooperation with the groups 
we are committed to serve? 

Surely one of these will be to do our part to insure that enough persons enter 
both the general and the ordained ministry to meet the needs of the church. We 
are experiencing a decline in the number of seminarians, and in the United 
Methodist Church somewhere between forty-five and fifty percent of active 
clergy will retire before the year 2000. The number of persons being ordained 
is at a net of zero growth. Younger persons with the gifts needed for effective 
work in ministry are opting for other professions. The status accorded to clergy 
by society as a whole has diminished. It is not true in every profession. While 
both theology and medicine have seen declines in the number of applications 
for places in their educational institutions, law schools continue to experience 
a significant increase. 

New ways to attract persons to ministry must be found soon. Church and 
seminary can cooperate in this effort. It is no longer adequate for theological 
schools to assume that the responsibility for enlistment belongs to the church 
alone. Over the past four decades, the traditional streams which led persons into 
ministry have dried up. Church youth and student organizations which once 
encouraged younger persons to consider ministry either no longer exist or do 
not include the emphasis in their programming. College Wesley Foundations, 
for example, lost much of their appeal to students during the decade of the 
sixties. "Baby boomers," who make up the bulk of today's seminary popula- 
tion, have different loyalties. 

The polity of churches must also be examined to see what influence it has on 
the supply of clergy. In the United Methodist Church, the long-honored 
"itinerant" system, which guarantees appointments to clergy requiring them to 
serve wherever assigned, is in need of revision. Employed spouses, both male 
and female; a desire to serve in urban rather than rural areas; declining 
membership; inability of local congregations to support the high cost of a full- 
time pastor; and older clergy have all created new pressures on its traditional 
way of operating. Groups with congregational polity have faced a shortage of 
both clergy and openings. Among them it is virtually impossible for a new 
seminary graduate to be called to a single congregation these days. 

New forms of ministry will have to be developed, too. Lay persons employed 
in secular jobs who serve congregations on the weekends, various forms of 
cooperative and team ministries, longer terms of service, and new ways of 
recognizing and rewarding it are possibilities. The days when a small congre- 
gation could expect to have an Anglo male in his mid-thirties are by and large 
history. The fact that ten percent of the members in the United Methodist 


Church are in forty-five percent of its churches indicates that some new 
provision will have to be made for small congregations. 

In today's church, there is no shortage of exciting examples of vital and 
growing ministries led by persons who once would have been unacceptable to 
traditional congregations. Ordained women continue to grow in numbers in the 
United Methodist Church. But we have a long way to go before the barriers are 
finally down. Seminaries and those they serve must seek to find new ways both 
to enhance the openness to new forms of ministry and to increase the readiness 
of persons to serve in them. 

The last chapters of Howard Grimes's book are yet to be written. His story 
is of days past and honored; what is on the horizon is both exciting and daunting. 
It is well never to forget that the future of the church is not in our hands alone. 

James E. Kirby, Jr. 

Dean, Perkins School of Theology 


Chapter 1 

I. Texas Christian Advocate, 30 September 1915. 

2. 1 have used various sources for this information: the 1915 Catalog for the School of 
Theology, President Hyer's handwritten account of the founding of SMU, articles 
in the Texas Christian Advocate, and other sources. 

3. At first called a "Department of Theology," it soon became known as a separate 

school. Perhaps more than the School of Music, this designation provided at least 
some reason to use the term "university." 

4. Quoted in Vernon 1967, 234. 

5. Hyer 1915. 

6. Moore and Nelson 1906, 7-9. 

7. Moore and Nelson 1906, 189. 

8. Moore and Nelson 1906, 225. 

9. Hyer 1915, 2-3. A later account says that his promise was for $10,000 and forty acres 

of land (Campus, 23 March 1932). 

10. Hyer 1915, 3. 

II. Hyer 1915, 4. 

12. See a photograph of Bishop Ward in Nail 1961, 4. 

13. Vernon 1967, 174-76; Brown 1957, 27-29; Campbell 1906, 71-78. 

14. Texas Christian Advocate, 22 August 1907. 

15. Vernon 1967, 230. 

16. Texas Christian Advocate, 19 September 1907. 

17. Texas Christian Advocate, 5 August 1908, 5 November 1908. 

18. Texas Christian Advocate, 22 August 1922. 

19. Dallas Morning News, obituary of Frank Seay, 15 February 1920. 

20. Thomas 1974. 

21. Thomas 1974,8. 

22. Thomas 1974, 5-8. 

23. Henderson 1966, 27:895. Curiously, this article, written by the then-business 
manager of the university, says nothing about Vanderbilt' s Methodist roots. Rather, 
he states that Cornelius Vanderbilt founded Vanderbilt as Central College, giving 
$500,000 in 1 873 and another similar sum in 1 875. Various gifts from the Vanderbilt 
family followed. 

24. Thomas 1974, 34; see Texas Christian Advocate, 26 March 1914. In a letter on 31 
August 1922 to Bishop E. D. Mouzon, Bishop Collins Denny says that at the time 



Vanderbilt was founded, the laws of Tennessee did not permit any church to own and 
control educational institutions. (Letter in Mouzon Papers.) In response, Mouzon 
agrees with Denny that the loss of Vanderbilt "gave the church a deep wound from 
which it has not yet recovered." 

25. See Texas Christian Advocate, 2 September 1911. 

26. Texas Christian Advocate is the principal source for this conclusion. 

27. Texas Christian Advocate, 21 November 1907. 

28. Texas Christian Advocate, 27 February 1908. 

29. Texas Christian Advocate, 28 June 1908. 

30. Brown 1957, 126-127. 

31. Hyer 1915, 5; Moore 1948, 211. 

32. Texas Christian Advocate, 24 March 1910, 7 April 1910, and 21 April 1910. These 
articles are included in full in Blair 1926. See also Hyer 1915, 6. 

33. Texas Christian Advocate, 22 September 1910. 

34. Henning 1934, 1:8. 

35. See Thomas 1974, 171, for a list of commission members. Later a member of the 
German Methodist Conference was added. See Executive Committee Minutes for 
15 May 1912. 

36. Texas Christian Advocate, 26 January 1911. 

37. Hyer 1915,7. Thomas 1974 has provided a detailed and apparently accurate account 
of these events, fuller than my own sketch of them here. 

38. Thomas 1974,31. 

39. Thomas 1974,31-32. 

40. Texas Christian Advocate, 19 September 1912. The Armstrongs had previously 
offered land for a Presbyterian university which never materialized. 

41. Thomas 1974, 30. See Texas Christian Advocate, 16 June 1910, which states that 
the real estate was valued at $75,000. It also says that $325,000 had been pledged 
by the citizens of Dallas. 

42. Hyer 1915, 8. 

43. The Board of Trustees and Executive Committee Minutes are located in the office 
of the Secretary of the University. 

44. Hyer 1915, 7. 

45. The Executive Committee Minutes state that it was some years later when the 
General Board of Education was convinced that $800,000 for endowment had been 
raised. They had paid part of the $200,000 earlier, and later made another pledge 
even larger which they also paid after SMU officials convinced them that they had 
fulfilled their matching obligation. 

46. Hyer 1915, 10. 

47. Texas Christian Advocate, 2 November 1911. 

48. Texas Christian Advocate, 5 November 1914. 

49. Texas Christian Advocate, 16 January 1913, and other issues. 

50. Thomas 1974, 195, n. 50. 

51. Executive Committee Minutes, 1 June 1913. 

52. Trustee Minutes, 30 June 1913. See Hyer 1915. See also Bulletin, School of The- 

NOTES TO PAGES 8-11 211 

ology, 1942-43, 6. 

53. Building Committee Minutes, 10 July 1913. 

54. Texas Christian Advocate, 15 January 1914. 

55. Texas Christian Advocate, 18 June 1914. 

56. Texas Christian Advocate, 3 December 1914. "Old Master McKenzie" was very 
likely the Rev. J. W. P. McKenzie, who came to Texas in the late 1 830s as missionary 
to Indians and became what Walter Vernon calls a "great pioneer" and a North Texas 
"stalwart" until his death in 1891. (Vernon 1967, 46, 96-97.) 

57. Texas Christian Advocate, 2 April 1914. 

58. Texas Christian Advocate, 3 December 1914. 

59. Texas Christian Advocate, 17 September 1914. 

60. Executive Committee Minutes, 14 May 1912. 

61. Executive Committee Minutes, 14 May 1912. 

62. Executive Committee Minutes, 4 April 1914. 

63. Bishop n.d., 10. 

64. Executive Committee Minutes, 8 December 1911 and 6 May 1912. 

65. Mustang, May-June 1972, in an article on SMU's presidents. 
66.Gambrell 1951. 

67. Texas Christian Advocate, 26 March 1914. 

68. White 1966, 3-4. 

69. Texas Christian Advocate, 11 September 1913, 29 June 1913. 

70. Hyer 1915, 15. 

71. Texas Christian Advocate, 24 October 1912, 28 November 1912. The original date 
was October 16 but it was postponed because of rain. See also Minutes, North Texas 
Annual Conference, 1912, 68-69. 

72. Executive Committee Minutes. 

73. Brown 1957. 

74. Campus, 3 April 1929. 

75. Dictionary of American Biography, s.v. "Hyer, Robert." Manuscript of Gambrell 's 
original article in the Kern Papers. 

76. Brown 1957, 43. 

77. Brown 1957, 43. 

78. Brown 1957,74. 

79. Brown 1957,40-41. 

80. Dictionary of American Biography, s.v. "Hyer, Robert." 

81. Dictionary of American Biography, s.v. "Hyer, Robert." 

82. Campus, 10 October 1929; Board of Trustee Minutes, 20 February 1920. 

83. Texas Christian Advocate, 11 February 1915. 

84. Texas Christian Advocate, 15 January 1914. 

85. Hyer 1915, 16. 

86. "The Influence of the Universities," an address by Hyer after he became President 
Emeritus, in the archives of Bridwell Library. 

87. Board of Trustee Minutes, 6 November 1964. 

212 NOTES TO PAGES 13-18 

Chapter 2 

I.Thomas 1974,61. 

2. Thomas 1974, 46. 

3. Texas Christian Advocate, 27 May 1915, 11 September 1915, 23 September 1915. 

4. Texas Christian Advocate, 27 May 1915. 

5. Executive Committee Minutes, 30 June 1917. 

6. Texas Christian Advocate, 2 September 1915; see Vernon 1967, 239-240. 

7. Executive Committee Minutes, 13 July 1915. According to Henning (1934, 1:92), 

there was no card catalog until April 1916. It had been developed with the help of 
the Dallas Public Library's librarian, Laura Alexander. 

8. Board of Trustee Minutes, 8 June 1916; see Texas Christian Advocate, 20 November 

1914, 2 July 1915, 5 August 1915. 

9. Faculty Minutes, 10 February 1916. 

10. SMU Times, 18 September 1915. 

11. Faculty Minutes, 17 November 1915. 

12. Faculty Minutes, 12 January 1916. 

13. Faculty Minutes, 8 April 1916. 

14. Faculty Minutes, 10 February 1916. 

15. Nowhere have I found an explanation of the faculty chair's responsibilities, other 
than to preside in Mouzon's absence. 

16. So far as I know this became standard practice in the School of Theology chapel 
several years after the opening of Perkins Chapel in 1951. 

17. W.Martin 1965,4-5. 

18. W. Martin 1965, 6. 

19. W.Martin 1965,5-6. 

20. Thomas 1974, 171. 

2 1 . Thomas 1 974, 84, 1 1 9. Kilgore was actually acting dean longer than anyone else had 
been dean up to his time. 

22. Hackney 1969, 148. 

23. Service 1, no. 1 (May 1920): 9-10. 

24. W.Martin 1965,4. 

25. Texas Christian Advocate, 6 July 1916. 

26. Trustee Minutes, 9 June 1916. 

27. Bulletin, 1916-17. 

28. Faculty Minutes, School of Theology Archives, Bridwell Library. 

29. Faculty Minutes, 19 January 1917. 

30. Faculty Minutes, October 1916. 

31. For their election see Executive Committee Minutes, 17 February 1917. 

32. Faculty Minutes, 10 April 1917. 

33. All of these faculty appointments are from various sources in Faculty Minutes and 
Trustee Minutes listing faculty appointments. 

34. Gambrell 1951, 18. 

35 . SMU Times, 28 September 1915. 

NOTES TO PAGES 18-21 213 

36. SMU Times, 3 October 1915. 

37. Trustee Minutes, 8 June 1916. 

38. Faculty Minutes, 24 February 1916. 

39. Texas Christian Advocate, 2 September 1916. 

40. Faculty Minutes, 15 February 1916. 

41. Campus, 12 May 1919. 

42. Faculty Minutes, 8 December 1915. 

43. Trustee Minutes, 9 June 1916. 

44. Trustee Minutes, 9 June 1916. 

45. The early image of SMU, according to the Texas Christian Advocate, was of a "poor 
boy's school." Most early applicants, the Advocate observed, were determined to get 
an education whether they had the money or not (9 September 1915). 

46. Trustee Minutes, 9 June 1916. 

47. Faculty Minutes, 24 February 1916; Trustee Minutes 7 June 1917. At one period as 
much as one-third of the work could be done by correspondence (Faculty Minutes, 
7 June 1919). 

48. See Faculty Minutes, 10 December 1918; Vernon 1961, 118. Apparently this 
Sunday School assembly was modeled after the one at Lake Junaluska, and was 
continued in the later-established Mount Sequoyah, at Fayetteville, Arkansas. 

49. Faculty Minutes, 24 February 19 16. 

50. Faculty Minutes, 7 December 1917. 

51. Faculty Minutes, 15 February 1918; Executive Committee Minutes, 4 April 1918. 

52. Executive Committee Minutes, 1 June 1919. 

53. Executive Committee Minutes, 16 December 1920. 

54. Executive Committee Minutes, 6 January 1921. 

55. Executive Committee Minutes, 17 February 1921. 

56. Roestline 1966, 24:357. It is ironic that this same scenario was played out in the 
1980s when Scarritt, for fiscal reasons, was forced to make a move that ultimately 
closed the institution. Perkins was again one of the unsuccessful "bidders" in 
seeking to bring the school and its assets to the SMU campus. 

57. Trustee Minutes, 10 June 1919. 

5 8 . For records of these funds see the Trustee Minutes for 7 June 1 9 1 7 and 7 and 1 June 
1918. See the Texas Christian Advocate, 2 May 1 9 1 6 and 2 May 1917. One gets the 
impression that the M. E. Church, South, made no concerted effort to support its 
School of Theology financially. The people in the churches either would not or could 
not provide adequate funds. 

59. University Bulletin, June 1916 (catalog for 1915-16; announcements for 1916-17). 

60. See Johnson 1966, 24-26. 

61. SMU Times, 28 September 1915. 

62. SMU Times, 28 September 1915. 

63. SMU Times, 9 October 1915. 

64. Texas Christian Advocate, 27 April 1916. 

65. Texas Christian Advocate, 27 April 1916. 

66. Texas Christian Advocate, 24 February 1916. 

214 NOTES TO PAGES 21-25 

67. A. Frank Smith, letter in Kern Papers. 

68. A. Frank Smith, letter in Kern Papers. 

69. Trustee Minutes, 27 June 1916. 

70. A. Frank Smith, letter in Kern Papers. 

71. Johnson 1966, 21. 

72. Johnson 1966, 29. This number was later drastically reduced, but there is no 
explanation as to why this was the case. 

73. See photographs of pastors in Johnson 1966, opposite 64. 

74. Trustee Minutes, 7 June 1917. 

75. Trustee Minutes, 7 June 1917. 

76. Trustee Minutes, 8 June 1918. 

77. Trustee Minutes, 8 June 1918. 

78. Campus, 5 February 1918. 

79. Campus, 5 February 1918. 

80. Campus, 29 January 1919. 

81. Cam/?M5, 2 April 1919. 

82. Campus, 10 March 1920. 

83. Trustee Minutes (Called Meeting), 20 February 1920. 

84. Letter dated 17 February 1920, in Kern Papers. 

85. Trustee Minutes, 20 February 1920. 

86. Trustee Minutes, 20 February 1920. 

87. Brown 1957. 

88. Brown 1957, 163-167. 

89. Brown 1957, 162-163. 

90. Brown 1957, 165. 

91. A facsimile of the program is contained in Brown 1957, 69-72. 

92. Trustee Minutes, 20 February 1920. 

93. Dallas Morning News, Sunday, 15 February 1920. 

94. From Faculty Minutes. 

95. Mustang, February 1920. 

96. Faculty Minutes, 8 April 1919 and 22 April 1919. 

97. See Seay 1925a, especially Ch. 1 1 and 12. Also see Seay 1925b, especially Ch. 1- 

98. Interview by Norman Spellmann with O. W. Moemer, at Georgetown,Texas, 19 
October 1973; in the archives of Bridwell Library. 

99. Dallas Morning News, 14 February 1920. 

100. Mustang, February 1920. 

101. Campus, 20 March 1920. 

102. Executive Committee Minutes, 5 December 1952. 

103. Texas Christian Advocate, 12 November 1914. 

104. Bulletin, 1916-17. 

105. Trustee Minutes, 7 June 1917. 

NOTES TO PAGES 27-29 215 

Chapter 3 

1 . Thomas in her history of the early years of Southern Methodist University has a full 

and, so far as I can determine, an accurate record of this process. There is one 
discrepancy between my statistics and hers. She gives the indebtedness of the 
University when Hyer resigned as $339,122 while the Board of Trustee Minutes of 
20 February 1920 give $207,691.34. Her source is a 1922 Board meeting, and is 
therefore a later figure. See Thomas 1974, 71-83. 

2. Trustee Minutes, 22 May 1922. 

3. Executive Committee Minutes, 1 June 1920. 

4. Thomas 1974, 80. 

5. Campus, 16 January 1924. 

6. Campus, 1 6 January 1 924. See also Thomas 1 974, 8 1 . Thomas says that the Pires gift 

was made in 1922. These larger gifts were nothing like the money being raised at 
that time by eastern schools but were large in relation to the many small gifts of the 

7. Thomas 1974, 80. 

8. Executive Committee Minutes, 21 March 1924. 

9. Thomas 1974, 82. 

10. Trustee Minutes, 13 June 1921. 

11. Trustee Minutes (Called Meeting), 1 1 October 1922. 

12. Campus, 31 March 1923; see Trustee Minutes, 21 March 1923. 

13. Campus, 10 March 1920. 

14. Kern 1921, 3. Service was pubhshed for several years by the School of Theology as 
a means of acquainting the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, with its School of 
Theology in Dallas. Copies are in the School of Theology Archives, Bridwell 

15. Trustee Minutes, 12 June 1920. It may be noted that it is difficult to construct an 
accurate record of the dates of faculty appointments. Thomas's SMU list (1974, 
174-189) was based on SMU catalogs, but the hst is not always rehable. For 
example, she includes Gross Alexander, who died before the 1915 session began, 
and Fitzgerald Parker, who changed his mind and remained in Nashville before the 
opening session. The Board of Trustees records are reliable as far as they go, but 
some known faculty, especially those who were visiting professors, are not easily 
found in the Trustee Minutes (if they are there at all). 

16. Executive Committee Minutes, 12 June 1919; Campus, 1 October 1919. 

17. Campus, 1 October 1919. 

18. Campus, 8 December 1920. 

19. Thomas 1974, 97-98. 

20. Campus, 22 September 1920. 

21. Campus, 22 September 1920. See also Faculty Minutes, 20 May 1921. 

22. Trustee Minutes, 13 June 1921. 

23. Executive Committee Minutes, 19 September 1921; Service 1, no. 4 (December 

24. Trustee Minutes, 13 June 1921. 

216 NOTES TO PAGES 29-3 1 

25. Trustee Minutes, 13 June 1921. 

26. Faculty Minutes, 19 September 1922. 

27. Executive Committee Minutes, 19 September 1921. 

28. Faculty Minutes, 4 November 1921. 

29. Executive Committee Minutes, 19 September 1921. 

30. Thomas 1974, 55. 

31. Trustee Minutes, 13 June 1921. They were apparently at the School of Theology 
from 1920 to 1921. 

32. Bulletin, 1923. The listing of Seneker, Goodloe, and Hicks in this order means that 
Goodloe's one year in 1920-21 as Visiting Professor was not counted as the 
beginning of his teaching. 

33. Service 2, no. 1 (December 1922). 

34. Campus, 28 September 1923. 

35. Campus, 24 September 1924. 

36. Campus, 24 September 1924. 

37. Faculty Minutes, 27 May 1924. 

38. Thomas 1974, 177. 

39. Typed Ust, in Kern Papers. 

40. Executive Committee Minutes, 11 February 1924. 

41. SMU Ex-Students' Magazine, October 1924, 6. 

42. Faculty Minutes, 4 November 192 1 . One source in the School of Theology Archives 
says that she began work at the School of Theology immediately after her gradu- 

43. Letter from the Dean's Secretary, Kern Papers. 

44. Information from Kern Papers. 

45. From a typed list, 10 October 1924, Kern Papers. 

46. Henning 1934, 1:192. 

47. Bulletin, May 1926. 

48. Campus, 15 March 1933. 

49. Bulletin, May 1926. 

50. Bradfield 1925. 

5 1 . Document in Kern Papers. 

52. Campus, 31 March 1923. 

53. Campus, 3 October 1923. 

54. Service, January 1924. 

55. The School of Theology publication Service, for January 1924, gives three as the 
total number of buildings needed. Kern said to the Board of Trustees on 22 May 1 924 
that the School also needed a dormitory, a chapel, and a library building (Minutes, 
22 May 1924.) 

56. Letter from Dean Kern, 5 April 1924, in Kern Papers. 

57. To indicate how inextricably Lillian Jennings was involved in the operation of the 
School, her letter to Dr. Bradfield, studying at the University of Chicago in the 
summer of 1924, describes in some detail the status of the work on Kirby Hall and 

NOTES TO PAGES 31-35 217 

the tunnel through which utility lines would be run. Dr. Bradfield was interested in 
the building to a greater extent than most, since it was through him that the gift was 
made. In Kern Papers, dated 25 August 1924. 

58. In Kern Papers. 

59. Letter to Dr. W. D. Bradfield, 26 March 1923, in Kern Papers. 

60. Bulletin, 1924-25. 

61. Faculty Minutes, 14 January 1925. 

62. Trustee Minutes, 24 March 1926. 

63. Bulletin, May 1926. 

64. Faculty Minutes, 5 March 1926. 

65. Bulletin, 1925. 

66. Service, May 1920. 

67. Bulletin of the Extension School, December 1924; SMU Ex-Students' Magazine, 
January 1925. 

68. Trustee Minutes, 1 June 1925. 

69. SMU Ex-Students' Magazine, January 1925. 

70. Typed document in Kern Papers, dated 26 May 1925. 

71. Material from Kern Papers. 

72. Document in Kern Papers. 

73. Campus, 23 February 1921. 

74. Campus, 23 February 1921. 

75. Campus, 1 January 1926. 

76. According to a statement from Kate Wamick while she was still actively at work at 
Bridwell Library. 

77. Trustee Minutes, 12 June 1923. 

78. Executive Committee Minutes, 2 September 1920. 

79. Trustee Minutes, 4 June 1935. I remember this red brick building from my 
childhood, when I visited an aunt who lived across the street on Rosedale. 

80. Trustee Minutes, 2 July 1922. 

81. Service, February 1923. 

82. Campus, 11 February 1926. 

83. Campus, 13 February 1926. 

84. Campus, 11 February 1926. 

85. SMU Ex-Students' Magazine, June 1926. 

86. See, for example, a letter from Kern to Bishop McMurry in the Kern Papers, dated 
31 March 1926. 

87. Executive Committee Minutes, 6 March 1922, 27 April 1922. 

88. Campus, 19 January 1922. 

89. Trustee Minutes, 2 May 1922. 

90. Trustee Minutes, 12 June 1923. See also the Campus, 26 May 1923, concerning the 
possibility of relocating Scarritt to the SMU campus. 

91. Faculty Minutes, 28 September 1922. 

92. Campus, 9 December 1925. 

218 NOTES TO PAGES 35^0 

93. Campus, 20 October 1920. 

94. Campus, 7 November 1925. 

95 . 1 am assuming that the condition which existed when I was a student in the late 1 930s 
had been the case all along. My extracurricular life was almost altogether on the 
university campus and at Highland Park Methodist Church. 

96. P. Martin 1973, 5. 

97. Campus, 31 October 1925. 

98. P. Martin 1973, 4-5. 

99. P. Martin 1973, 6. 

100. Trustee Minutes, 13 June 1921. 

101. See Vernon 1967, 321-322. 

102. SMU Alumni Directory, 1986, 9. 

103. Although this comes from my own memory, which I tend not to trust, it is so 
indelibly stamped there that 1 am reasonably sure of its authenticity. 

104. SMU Alumni Directory, 1986, 4. 

105. I am relying on the Semi-Weekly Campus for this breakdown. See issue for 27 
October 1922. 

106. SMU Alumni Directory, 1986, 4. 

107. There was for many years a campaign for "Little SMU in Brazil," later combined 
in the Campus Chest. The Campus always gave it good publicity, and often the 
campaign reached its goal. See, for example. Campus, 16 April 1924. 

108. Campus, 19 January 1924. 

109. SMU Alumni Directory, 1986, 8-9. 

110. In 1922, there were nine student pastors in the North Texas Conference. These 
students were expected to meet with Prof. Ormond one hour per week. (Campus, 27 
October 1922). 

111. Campus, 13 November 1926. 

112. This was the opinion of Mrs. John (Kate) Wamick, who worked closely with Dean 
Kern for several years. 

113. Pope 1976, 46. 

Chapter 4 

1. See Thomas 1974, 86-87. 

2. Thomas 1974,85-91. 

3. Thomas 1974, 86. 

4. Thomas 1974, 87-88. 

5. Thomas 1974,91. 

6. See Quebedeaux 1974, 5ff. 

7. Quebedeaux 1974, 9. These five fundamentals are not always identical, but the first 

line (the verbal inspiration of the Bible, or a literalistic view of biblical revelation) 
is crucial for all fundamentalism. See, for example. Packer 1974, chs. Ill-V. 

8.Hamack 1957. The first German edition was pubhshed in 1900,andby 1927 had gone 
through fourteen printings. See "Introduction" by Rudolf Bultmann, vii. 

9. Vernon 1967, 279. 

NOTES TO PAGES 4 1 ^5 2 1 9 

10. Whether this term was used as far back as the 1920s, I do not know. 

11. Pope 1976,44. 

12. Thomas 1974,82-83. 

13. Published by the Macmillan Co., 1920. 

14. Campus, 8 December 1920. 

15. "A Plain Statement of Fact." No publication information; located in the Kern Papers, 

16. "A Plain Statement of Fact," 4. 

17. "A Plain Statement of Fact," 14-15. 

18. "Lower criticism" dealt with the text itself. Many other varieties of biblical study 
have developed since the Rice affair. 

19. Rice 1920, xxxi. 

20. Rice 1920,320. 

21. Rice 1920, 1-6. 

22. Rice 1920, 8-24. Speaking of the biblical text in the mid-eighth century B.C., Rice 
says: "There is no Old Testament book yet in its present form" (24). 

23. Rice 1920,27-109. 

24. Rice 1920, 113-188. 

25. Rice 1920, 191-253. 

26. Rice 1920, 257-289. 

27. Rice 1920,293-320. 

28. "A Plain Statement of Fact," 10. 

29. Rice 1920, 134. 

30. Rice 1920, 134-135. 

31. "A Plain Statement of Fact," 11. 

32. Rice 1920, 34. 

33. Rice 1920, 30. 

34. "A Plain Statement of Fact," 1 Iff. 

35. "A Plain Statement of Fact," 1 Iff. See also Executive Committee Minutes, 4 October 

36. "A Plain Statement of Fact," 4. 

37. "A Plain Statement of Fact," 4. 

38. "A Plain Statement of Fact," 5. 

39. Faculty Minutes, October 1921. 

40. Executive Committee Minutes, 4 October 1921. 

41. Faculty Minutes, October 1921. 

42. Executive Committee Minutes, 11 October 1921. 

43. Executive Committee Minutes, 25 November 1921. 

44. Executive Committee Minutes, 12 December 1921. 

45. Thomas (1974, 98-102) has documented the Workman case in great detail. 

46. Campus, 2 May 1923. 

47. Campus, 5 May 1923. 

48. Campus, 5 May 1923. 

220 NOTES TO PAGES 45-48 

49. Thomas 1974, 100. Her source is the Dallas Times Herald, 1 May 1925. See also 
Campus, 6 May 1925. 

50. Campus, 6 May 1925. 

51. Campus, 6 Mdiy 1925. 

52. Campus, 9 May 1925. 

53. Campus, 13 May 1925. 

54. Thomas 1974, 101. 

55. Thomas 1974, 101. 

56. Thomas's sources are partly from personal correspondence. 

57. Campus, 12 May 1923. 

58. Thomas 1974, 101. 

59. Thomas 1974, 102. 

60. Thomas 1974, 202, n. 140. 

61. This incident is recorded in detail in Thomas 1974, 85-91. Shuttles, like Cockrell, 
chair of the Board of Trustees during the event, believed that the University should 
be controlled by businessmen on the board, especially its Executive Committee. 

62. Neither letter of the first interchange between Branscomb and Kern has been found. 
They are known only from Branscomb' s letter of 19 January 1924, in the Kern 

63. See Branscomb' s letter of 19 January 1924, in Kern Papers. 

64. Branscomb' s letter of 19 January 1924. 

65. Kern's letter to Branscomb, 22 January 1924, in Kern Papers. 

66. Branscomb' s letter to Kern, from Dallas to Oklahoma City, where Kern was 
fulfiUing an assignment, dated 22 May 1925, Kern Papers. 

67. Letter from Kern to Branscomb, 25 May 1925, Kern Papers. 

68. It is possible that this is the committee to which Judge Cockrell had been appointed. 

69. Article of Religion V includes these words: "The Holy Scripture containeth all things 
necessary to salvation, so that whatsoever is not read therein, nor may be proved 
thereby, is not to be required of any man that it should be believed as an article of 
faith, or be thought requisite or necessary to salvation. In the name of the Holy 
Scripture we do understand those canonical books of the Old and New Testament 
of whose authority was never any doubt in the Church." (Emphasis added.) There 
follows a hst of the Old Testament books, which does not include those of the 
Apocrypha, and a statement that the New Testament includes those "commonly 
received." Since the Bible itself does not claim inerrancy, it is difficult, if not 
impossible, to prove the inerrancy or literal interpretation of Scripture from 
Scripture itself. See Book of Discipline, 1988, 61-62. 

70. Handwritten letter from Branscomb to Kern, dated 18 January 1926, Kern Papers. 

71. Quoted in Thomas 1974, 102. 

72. Thomas 1974, 101. 

73. Campus, 29 November 1922. 

74. Campus, 6 October 1922. 

75. Campus, 28 November 1923. 

76. Campus, 4 November 1925. 

NOTES TO PAGES 49-54 221 

77. Letter in Kern Papers. 

78. Typed document in Kern Papers. 

79. Typed document in Kem Papers, 2. 

Chapter 5 

1. Campus, 9 April 1930. 

2. Trustee Minutes, 4 June 1934. 

3. See Campus, 22 June 1932. 

4. Letter from James A. Kilgore (Dean Kilgore's son) to D. E. Kilgore, Corpus Christi, 

Texas, 30 August 1968, in SMU Archives. 

5. Typed document, written by Herbert Gambrell, in SMU Archives. 

6. Letter from James A. Kilgore to Eva B. and O. Eugene Slater, 13 March 1987. 

7. Gambrell typescript, SMU Archives. 

8. Thomas 1974, 146. 

9. Thomas 1974, 147. 

10. Thomas 1974, 147. 

11. Thomas 1974, 146. 

12. Mustang, June 1938. See Campus, 3 April 1929. 

13. Campus, 3 April 1929. 

14. Campus, May 1938. 

15. Campus, May 1938. 

16. Thomas 1974, 157. Since this material is not central in the history of the School of 
Theology, I have relied considerably on Thomas's history of SMU in this section. 

17. Thomas 1974, 159. 

18. Thomas 1974, 146-147. 

19. Thomas 1974, 148-154. 

20. Thomas 1974, 148-151. 

21. Trustee Minutes, 4 June 1934. 

22. Bulletin, May 1927. 

23. Bulletin, May 1928; Campus, 5 October 1927. 

24. Bulletin, July 1929. 

25. Letter in Kilgore Papers. 

26. Bulletin, April 1933. 
21. Bulletin, April 1931. 

28. See Bulletin, 1931-32. There were 81 B.D. students, three of whom were women; 
12 M. A. students, three of whom were women; three in the certificate program; and 
11 in the Correspondence Division. There were some twenty fewer students 
reported for the following year, seeming to indicate a high drop-out rate. 

29. Faculty Minutes, 6 April 1927. 

30. Campus, 19 October 1932. 

31. Trustee Minutes, 3 June 1929. 

32. Summer Campus, Fall 1931. 

33. Campus, 8 January 1930. 

222 NOTES TO PAGES 54—59 

34. Campus, 4 January 1930. 

35. Bulletin, 181-183. 

36. Faculty Minutes, 2 October 1929. 

37. From an undated document following the Faculty Minutes of 22 August 1930. 

38. Bulletin, 147. 

39. Campus, 11 January 1930, 5 June 1931. 

40. Trustee Minutes, 7 June 1927. No explanation is provided for the remainder of 
ordained clergy. 

41. SMU Ex-Students' Magazine, January 1927. 

42. Faculty Minutes, January 28 1927; Campus, 15 April 1931. 

43. The original name in the nineteenth century was Interseminary Missionary Alliance, 
with a meeting held in New Brunswick, New Jersey, in 1 880. The organization was 
revived a few years later, and eventually became the Interseminary Movement. See 
Hogg 1952, 83-86. Also see Hogg 1945 and Love 1930. 

44. Campus, 1 October 1927. 

45. Campus, 9 March 1929. 

46. Campus, 19 April 1929. 

47. Campus, 6 November 1929. In the late 1930s, I attended meetings at which I am 
fairly certain the implications of "Interseminary" were carried out. 

48. Campus, 6 November 1929. 

49. See note 28. 

50. Campus, 1 May 1927; SMU Ex-Students' Magazine, May 1927. 

51. Campus, 21 March 1928. 

52. From the files of Mrs. John Wamick, Wamick Papers; Campus, 21 April 1928 and 
9 May 1928. 

53. Banquet programs from Wamick Papers. 

54. Campus, 1 December 1928. 

55. Campus, 19 December 1928. 

56. Campus, 30 April 1930; see Slater 1988, 29-30. 

57. Campus, 27 April 1932. 

58. Slater 1988, 34. 

59. Slater 1988, 34. 

60. Campus, 28 May 1932. 

61. Campus, 6 April 1930. 

62. Campus, 9 January 1929. 

63. Faculty Minutes, 26 September 1931. 

64. Faculty Minutes, 21 October 1931. 

65. Faculty Minutes, 6 April 1932. 

66. Faculty Minutes, 13 September 1933. 

67. Letter from Mrs. John H. Wamick to Miss Nell Anders, 3 March 1930, in Wamick 

6%. Bulletin, A^n\ 1931. 

69. Although Robert E. Goodrich, Jr. (later a bishop) has often received the credit for 

NOTES TO PAGES 59-6 1 223 

this transformation of the band, he told me not long before his death that it was Cy 
Barcus who began the process. Barcus came to SMU after being solo comettist with 
the Culver Military Institute Band. His association with the SMU band lasted for 
some years. In 1988 he was living in retirement in Dallas, Texas. 

70. Campus, 3 December 1 930. 

71. Campus, 28 September 1932. It is my impression that his arrangement was similar 
to the one which the band currently uses. 

72. Summer Campus, Fall 1933. 

73. Summer Campus, Fall 1933. 

74. Campus, October 1934. 

75. Their association at SMU led to Meeker's providing numerous State Fair Musical 
stars for Goodrich's Chautauqua series at First Methodist Church of Dallas during 
the 1950s. 

76. Campus, 1 November 1934. 

77. Summer Campus, October 1934. 

78. Campus, 18 February 1933, 9 December 1933. 

79. Campus, 24 March 1934. 

80. 1 had always thought it was the New York Palace, but I have found no record of this. 

81. Campus, 2 September 1935. If this story is true — and I am reasonably sure it is — 
the decision was a fortunate one for the Methodist Church. During Goodrich's 
twenty-six years as Pastor of First Methodist Church. Dallas, he did the kind of 
innovative programming which was widely copied and led to significant national 
changes. The ideas were not always original with Goodrich, but he gave them a flair 
which was distinctly his own. He later served for eight years as Bishop of the 
Missouri Area, then as Bishop in Residence at St. Luke's United Methodist Church 
in Houston, and finally back at First Church, Dallas, where he died on 30 October 
1985, soon after returning to the church he had influenced so deeply. 

82. Kilgore Papers, 3 September 1930. 

83. Trustee Minutes, 1 June 1931; quoted by Thomas 1974, 137. 

84. Thomas 1974, 137. 

85. Moore Papers. 

86. Moore Papers. Tuition was minimal; perhaps, as in the late 1 930s, it was not required 
at all, only fees. 

87. Trustee Minutes, 22 March 1927. 

88. Campus, 26 March 1927. 

89. Trustee Minutes, 22 March 1927. 

90. Moore Papers; Bulletin, April 1931. I have found no indication as to why Mrs. 
Lehman willed her estate to the School of Theology. A purely speculative guess is 
that W. D. Bradfield was instrumental, as he had been for the money for Kirby Hall. 
The chair disappeared when Bradfield retired, and did not resurface until the 1980s 
when Professor John Deschner was elected to it. Presumably, the money had been 
used as general endowment between the two dates. 

91. Moore Papers. 

92. Minutes of a meeting of the committee, 21 November 1930, in Kilgore Papers. 

93. "Foundations of the Future," 1 January 1931, in Kilgore Papers. 

224 NOTES TO PAGES 6 1 -65 

94. Campus, 6 January 1937. 

95. Campus, 27 February 1932. 1 have recently heard that this identification has been 
called into question. 

96. Faculty Minutes, 2 March 1928. 

97. Campus, 18 January 1933. 

98. Campus, 18 January 1933. 

99. Campus, 2 March 1929. 

100. Campus, 20 February 1932. 

101. For example, E. Stanley Jones appeared on campus on 31 March 1933, and later 
at a mass meeting at First Baptist Church: Campus, 29 March 1933. 

102. Campus, 18 February 1933. 

103. Campus, 19 March 1932. 

104. Campus, 3 April 1929. 

105. Campus, 30 October 1929. 

106. Campus, 5 May 1926. 

107. Campus, 28 September 1929. 

108. Campus, 22 February 1928. 

Chapter 6 

1. Faculty Minutes, 25 January 1936. 

2. When St. Paul School of Theology was established in Kansas City in 1959, it was 

understood that Perkins School of Theology would relate primarily to the southern 
part of the jurisdiction. 

3. Faculty Minutes, 28 June 1933. 

4. Mustang, 1 October 1938. 

5. When I came back to teach in 1949, one faculty member told me quite frankly that 

the school was not as good as it was when I was a student (1937-40). 

6. Trustee Minutes, 9 May 1951. 

7. Bulletin, 1939-40. 

8. Trustee Minutes, 9 May 1951. 

9. Executive Committee Minutes, 7 February 1939. 

10. A letter to A. W. Martin dated 22 October 1945, in Hawk Papers. 

11. Campus, 9 November 1938, 8 February 1939; Trustee Minutes, 7 November 1938. 

12. Campus, 21 November 1923; Weiss and Proctor 1971, 82. 

13. Statement prepared by Herbert Gambrell, Trustee Minutes, 6 November 1958. 

14. Gambrell statement; Weiss and Proctor 1971, Chap. V. 

15. Gambrell statement. 

16. Campus, 1 October 1942. 

17. Trustee Minutes, 9 May 1951. 

18. Mustang, December 1938. 

19. Quoted in Weiss and Proctor 1971, 225. 

20. Trustee Minutes, 25 January 1945. 

21. Trustee Minutes, 26 June 1943. 

NOTES TO PAGES 65-70 225 

22. Weiss and Proctor 1971, 163-164. Lee, of course, was not directly responsible for 
securing the money for many of these buildings. 

23. Trustee Minutes, 6 February 1940. 

24. Trustee Minutes, 4 January 1940. 

25. Campus, 23 September 1949. George Baker also taught Homiletics at Perkins 
School of Theology. 

26. Trustee Minutes, 26 January 1943. 

27. Campus, 10 January 1942. 

28. Faculty Minutes, 15 January 1942. 

29. Trustee Minutes, 6 February 1945. Also, personal communication from H. Neill 

30. Trustee Minutes, 24 June 1946. 

31. Executive Committee Minutes, 2 April 1946; Trustee Minutes, 4 February 1947; 
Campus, 1 August 1946. 

32. Trustee Minutes, 2 June 1947. 

33. Bulletin, April 1935, April 1936. 

34. Trustee Minutes, 4 June 1934. 

35. He later dropped most of his teaching in order to be Vice-President of the University. 

36. Bulletin, April 1934, 1935, 1936; Trustee Minutes, 4 June 1934; Trustee Minutes, 
29 January 1935; Executive Committee Minutes, 22 February 1935. All of those 
remained until retirement except Paul Root, who resigned in 1 947 to become Dean 
of Duke Divinity School but died before moving to North Carolina. 

37. This material is compiled from a variety of sources — Bulletins, Trustee Minutes, 
Executive Committee Minutes, and other resources of the period. Some of it comes 
from my personal knowledge since I was a student from 1937 to 1940. 

38. I went from SMU for a year's study (S.T.M.; 1940-41) at Union in New York. 
Although I had some good professors there — e.g., Reinhold Niebuhr — others who 
were well-known scholars were not as stimulating as I had found most professors 
at SMU to be. 

39. See, for example, the report to the Board of Trustees, January 1 936 (found in Faculty 
Minutes, 22 January 1936), in which it is frankly stated that the President and the 
Dean "in cooperation with the faculty may assign members of the faculty to serve 

in Bible Conferences, Training Schools, etc "I do not think this prerogative was 

often if ever exercised, but this at least shows the seriousness with which such work 
was taken. 

40. Trustee Minutes, 25 June 1938. 

41. Report of the Theology Committee to the Board of Trustees, 26 June 1944. 

42. Campus, 1 September 1955; letter to Dr. Martin, dated 30 January 1945, Hawk 

43. Trustee Minutes, 25 June 1945; letter from Dean Hawk, Hawk Papers. 

44. Trustee Minutes, 24 June 1946. 

45. Trustee Minutes, 24 June 1946. 

46. Letter from Umphrey Lee, dated 8 December 1945, Hawk Papers. 

47. Some of the material in this section comes from my memory, which I normally do 

226 NOTES TO PAGES 7 1-76 

not trust but which for these general statements I believe is trustworthy. 

48. Bulletin, 1948-^9. 

49. Faculty Minutes, 10 November 1948. 

50. Faculty Minutes, 6 October 1948. 

5 1 . For example, after I had accepted a place on the faculty, I had a letter from Sweet 
saying he understood I was to begin teaching in 1949 and asking what I was to teach. 

52. Letter from Dean Hawk, 23 January 1941, Hawk Papers; Faculty Minutes, 11 
December 1943. 

53. Bulletins, 1943^W, 1944-^5, 1945^6, 1946-47, 1948^9; Faculty Minutes, 31 
October 1947, 3 December 1947, 8 January 1948, 6 April 1949. 

54. Campus, 12 March 1949; Trustee Minutes, 10 May 1949. 

55. My name is also included in this list, and 1 know that I did not come as a visitor at 
this time; Faculty Minutes, 31 October 1947. 

56. Trustee Minutes, 10 May 1949. 

57. Bulletin, 1951-52. 

58. Bulletin, 1951-52; Trustee Minutes, 10 November 1950. 

59. Faculty Minutes, 6 April 1949. 

60. Bulletin, April 1935. 

61. Faculty Minutes, May 1937. This was the curriculum I pursued as a student. 

62. Bulletin, 1942^3. 

63. Faculty Minutes, 28 February 1947. 

64. Trustee Minutes, 10 May 1952. 

65. Bulletin, 1950-51. 

66. Campus, 1 July 1949. 

67. Faculty Minutes, 16 August 1951; information in the files of Mrs. John Wamick, 
Wamick Papers. 

68. Trustee Minutes, 1 June 1936; Bulletin, 1937-38. 

69. Document establishing the lectureship. Hawk Papers. 

70. Campus, 1 1 January 1946; Executive Committee Minutes, 25 January 1946. 

71. Executive Committee Minutes, 17 February 1938; material in Hawk Papers. 

72. Vernon 1967, 336. 

73. Thomas 1974, 111. 

74. Faculty Minutes, 22 January 1936. 

75. Faculty Minutes, 19 October 1940. 

76. Turner Papers. 

77. Turner Papers. 

78. Faculty Minutes, 28 September 1949. 

79. Campus, 24 April 1940. 

80. Campus, 22 April 1950. 

8 1 . This comes from my own experience of having been on the Worship Committee one 
quarter and its chair the next, in 1939-40. 

82. More than 200 were expected for the 22 April 1938 banquet, at the Melrose Court 
Hotel; Campus, 20 April 1938. 

NOTES TO PAGES 76-82 227 

83. Campus, 17 April 1940. 

84. 1 was his M.A. advisor, and few students have impressed me as much as Mr. Liu. In 
1948, according to a Campus interview, Mr. Liu traveled 3,000 miles in America 
visiting churches and youth groups. Campus, 25 September 1948; see also Campus, 
11 January 1950. 

85. Campus, 1 7 April 1 940. My recollection is that we were not very good that first year, 
but it was the beginning of a long tradition that has meant more to many students than 
any other student activity. 

86. Campus, 11 December 1946. 

87. Faculty Minutes, 24 September 1935. 

88. Faculty Minutes, 12 October 1938. 

89. Faculty Minutes, 29 September 1942. 

90. Faculty Minutes, 8 January 1948. 

91. Faculty Minutes, 15 July 1948. 

92. Correspondence in Kilgore Papers, 8 July 1926. This negotiation had to do with the 
C. M. E. Church (Colored, later Christian, Methodist Episcopal Church). 

93. Campus, 14 May 1928; 1 November 1930; 21 February 1948. 

94. Campus, 17 January 1940. 

95. Campus, 9 January 1952. 

96. During my first year of teaching at Perkins ( 1 949-50) I offered two courses to a black 
student who lacked them in the completion of his degree at Oberlin School of 
Theology, then sent his grades to that school. I have heard that other professors did 
the same thing. 

97. Faculty Minutes, 6 December 1950 

98. Faculty Minutes, 3 January 1951. 

99. An editorial in the same issue commended Perkins for taking the step. Campus, 6 
January 1951. 

100. See Vernon 1967, 243-245. See also Moore 1948, 211-215. 

101. Moore 1948,211. 

102. Moore 1948,211. 

103. Moore 1948, 103. 

104. The judgment of Walter N. Vernon, 1967, 245. 

105. See Grimes 1951, 121-122. 

106. More will be said about this in the following chapter. 

107. Spellmann 1979, 332. Spellmann's source is a letter from Umphrey Lee to Smith. 

108. This issue will be discussed in a later chapter. See Spellmann 1979, 328-330. 

109. Spellmann 1979, 336. 

110. Spellmann 1979,333. 

Chapter 7 

I.Moore 1948,212-213. 

2. Executive Committee Minutes, 30 September 1938. 

3. Hawk Papers. 

228 NOTES TO PAGES 82-89 

4. Hawk Papers. 

5. Hawk Papers. 

6. Trustee Minutes, 11 April 1944. 

7. Vernon 1967,241-243. 

8. Trustee Minutes, 20 March 1928. 

9. Trustee Minutes, 20 March 1928. 

10. Executive Committee Minutes, 2 November 1920. 

11. P. Martin 1973,25-29. 

12. Moore 1948, 213. 

13. Trustee Minutes, 4 November 1960 (at the time of Mr. Perkins's death). 

14. Trustee Minutes, 20 March 1928. 

15. For this account I have used both primary sources and Spellmann's account (1979, 
320-328). Unfortunately no one seems to have kept a running account of the 
negotiations with Mr. and Mrs. Perkins (except in Bishop Smith's diary to which 
Spellmann had access). Spellmann' s, reconstructed from various sources, is the best 
account that I have found. It is written from the Smith perspective, of course, and 
probably does not give Paul Martin (later a bishop) sufficient credit. For an account 
from Bishop Martin's perspective, see Vernon 1973, 1 14—123. 

16. Spellmann 1979, 320-321. 

17. Spellmann 1979, 321. This is verified by an entry in Bishop Smith's diary for 1 1 
April 1944. 

18. Spellmann 1979, 321; based on an interview with Bishop Smith. 

19. P. Martin 1973, 28-29. 

20. Trustee Minutes, 6 February 1945. 

21. Spellmann 1979, 325; from Bishop Smith's diary. 

22. Legal document, dated 6 February 1945, Hawk Papers. 

23. Pencil drawing available in Moore Papers. 

24. Holograph in Moore Papers. 

25. Quoted in Spellmann 1979, 326, from a letter dated 23 September 1947, Moore to 

26. Quoted in Spellmann 1979, 327. 

27. Spellmann 1979, 327. 

28. Spellmann 1979, 327. 

29. Spellmann 1979, 328; quoted from the Dallas Morning News, 9 February 1951. 

30. Executive Committee Minutes, 28 January 1949. 

31. Loggie 1967, 68-69. 

32. According to information from the SMU Business Office. 

33. For several weeks after we began having worship in Perkins Chapel in the spring of 
1951, two workers always had to stop their work on these rails during worship. 

34. Trustee Minutes, 24 June 1946. 

35. Trustee Minutes, 4 November 1954. The actual numbers given are 1952 — 390; 
1953—383; and 1954—378. 

36. Grimes 1986, final page. 

NOTES TO PAGES 9 1-97 229 

Chapter 8 

1 . 1 have relied considerably in this chapter on my own memory of what was happening 
during my first years at Perkins School of Theology as teacher. Especially do my 
prejudices show through when I evaluate what was taking place. I do not trust my 
memory, nor for that matter that of most people, and so I have where possible 
checked not only dates and other facts but sources which help me understand what 
was happening. In some instances 1 have noted that 1 cannot verify a particular story. 
The facts in the section on Cuninggim come from Who's Who in the Methodist 
Church and Encyclopedia of World Methodism. 

2. Campus, 17 March 1954. 

3. Minutes, Special Meeting of the Board of Trustees, 30 March 1954. 

4. Minutes, Board of Trustees, 6 May 1954. 

5. Minutes, Board of Trustees, 6 May 1954. 

6. Campus, 21 September 1954. 

7. Minutes, Board of Trustees, 25 June 1954. 

8. Campus, 7 May 1954. 

9. Terry 1978, xxii. 

10. Beaty's principal book on this subject was The Iron Curtain over America (Dallas: 
Wilkinson Pubhshing Co., 1951). See Terry 1978, xxl. This episode began during 
the presidency of Umphrey Lee, and the trauma of having to deal with it, so some 
people feel, brought about his resignation. 

11. Terry 1978, xxiii-xxv. 

1 2. J. Grimes 1 978 provides many clues and insights into Tate' s presidency through his 
speeches and otherwise. Though not a biography, it provides an important source for 

13. Catalog, 1951-52. Paul Root died in 1947 and had not been replaced. 

14. Catalog, 1951-52. Sweet, ofcourse, also acted as "Chairman of the Faculty," which 
was not a clearly defined position as we saw in a previous chapter. 

1 5 . Catalog, 1951-52. Baker' s primary job, ofcourse, was as chaplain to the University, 
but he valued greatly his association with the School of Theology. 

16. Catalog, 195 1-52. There is need for a biography of Outler. His papers, deposited in 
the Bridwell Library archives, will make this possible. 

17. He edited and wrote a brilliant introduction to John Wesley (Oxford University 
Press, 1964), a one-volume edition of Wesley's writings in the "Library of Pro- 
testant Thought" series. His four-volume edition of Wesley ' s sermons, published by 
Abingdon Press from 1984 to 1987, is likely to remain the definitive edition of the 
sermons for generations to come. His painstaking checking of every quotation (most 
of which Wesley did not cite), with the assistance of Wanda Smith, was an exacting 
and time-consuming labor of love which he saw as part of the effort to secure respect 
for Wesley as an able and creative theologian in eighteenth-century England. 

\S. Catalog, 1951-52. 
\9. Catalog, 1951-52. 

20. Faculty Minutes, 19 March 1952. 

21. Catalog, 1952-53; also Faculty Minutes, 24 September 1952. 

230 NOTES TO PAGES 97-107 

22. Catalog, 1952-53. 1 have not included those who taught in the non-credit (so far as 
Perkins was concerned) Approved Supply School. This would be desirable — and 
their names are listed in the catalogs — for the School was an integral part of the Ufe 
at Perkins. A decision not to include them was based simply on the many additional 
names this would have required, added to a chapter that at times already appears to 
be only a chronicle of the names of faculty of Perkins School of Theology. 

23. Faculty Minutes, 23 April 1953. 

24. Catalog, 1953-54; also various faculty minutes for 1952-53. 

25. Faculty Minutes, 26 September 1953. 

26. Catalog, 1954-55. See also various faculty minutes for 1953-54, where names of 
those invited to interview and their disposition are included for 1954-55. 

27. Catalog, 1955-56. See also various Faculty Minutes, 1954-55. 

28. Catalog, 1956-57. See also various Faculty Minutes, 1955-56. 

29. Catalog, 1957-58. See also various Faculty Minutes, 1956-57. 

30. Catalog, 1957-58. 

31. Catalog, 1958-59. See also various Faculty Minutes for 1957-58. 

32. Catalog, 1959-60. See also various Faculty Minutes for 1958-59 and Board of 
Trustee and Executive Committee Minutes. 

33. Faculty Minutes, 4 March 1960. 

34. Faculty Minutes, 22 January 1960. 

35. Catalog, 1960-61 . See also Faculty Minutes for 22 January 1960; Trustee Minutes, 
5 November 1959. 

36. This information comes from various sources. That concerning the M.R.E. degree 
is partly my own recollection of a process for which I was responsible. 

37. Faculty Minutes, 2 April 1954. 

38. Attachment to Faculty Minutes of 17 February 1956. See also the Minutes for 28 
November 1956. 

39. Attachment to Faculty Minutes of 24 April 1959. 

40. These dates are assembled from the catalogs of the nine years. 

Chapter 9 

1. Faculty Minutes, 22 September 1951. 

2. Attachment to Faculty Minutes, 3 April 1959. 

3. Since I chaired the Admissions Committee prior to there being an Admissions Officer, 

I sometimes wrote letters of rejection in the absence of the Dean. 

4. This maximum enrollment of 400 was never officially adopted, and it was only an 

unofficial figure which seemed right to me. On one occasion in fact, prior to 
Cuninggim's deanship, the faculty set 500 as the maximum. 

5. Catalog, 1951-52. 

6. See the report from Dean Cuninggim to the Provost, 1953-54, in Cuninggim Papers. 

7. Faculty Minutes, 8 October 1952. 

8. Faculty Minutes, 20 May 1952. 

9. Faculty Minutes, 22 October 1952, 21 November 1952. 

10. Faculty Minutes, 2 January 1953. Apparently no minutes were kept of the 22 

NOTES TO PAGES 1 07- 113 23 1 

December 1952 meeting. At least they are not included in the bound volumes of 
Faculty Minutes. 

11. Davis 1953, 10. 

12. Davis 1953, 11-12. 

13. "Report to the Provost," Cuninggim Papers; see also Davis 1953. 

14. Catalog, 1953-54, 43-44. 

15. Catalog, 1953-54,44. 

16. Catalog, 1953-54,47. 

17. "Report to the Provost." See also Davis 1953. 

18. For example, in Christian Century, 28 April 1954. 

19. Catalog, 1957-58. 

20. Faculty Minutes, 22 May 1959; Catalog, 1960-61. 

21. See, for example. Faculty Minutes for 30 May 1955, 27 June 1955, 23 May 1956, 
2 May 1957, 28 March 1958, 24 October 1958, and 3 April 1959. The experiments 
included a yearly "Parish Week," at first during Holy Week, later in the fall ; attempts 
to get the faculty to be either supervisors or advisors (at first, all the faculty, later 
selected faculty); and so on. One thing that becomes clear in reading the Faculty 
Minutes during the 1950s: the faculty tried to make something out of the integration 
of field education and the on-campus curriculum. Sometimes it worked, but often 
it did not. 

22. Faculty Minutes, 15 November 1951. 

23. Attachment to Faculty Minutes, 25 May 1956. 

24. Catalog, 1954-55. 

25. Catalog, 1959-60. 

26. 1 have not found the exact date of their being demolished. The 1955-56 Catalog is 
the first not to list them among housing units at Perkins. 

27. My most important source for this section is the address which Cuninggim made to 
the Ministers' Week Luncheon during Ministers' Week, 4 February 1987, and 
entitled "Far-Off Things and Battles Long Ago" (Cuninggim 1987). See also 
Cuninggim 1956, 109-115. 

28. Cuninggim 1956, 109. 

29. Logan 1957, 16. 

30. Cuninggim 1987, 3. For an account of these events from the point of view of one of 
the students involved, see Williams 1980, 57-66. 

31. Cuninggim 1987,3^. 

32. Cuninggim 1987, 4. 

33. Cuninggim 1956, 111. 

34. Cuninggim 1987, 5. 

35. Cuninggim 1987, 6. 

36. Cuninggim 1987, 6. 

37. Other accounts of these events are found in Weiss and Proctor 1 97 1 , 1 74-1 76. There 
is a record from Bishop A. Frank Smith's perspective in Spellmann 1979, 328-330. 
Bishop Paul Martin also has remarks about the resolution of the affair ( 1 973, 29-30). 
Although the sources from the time in which it was happening, such as the Faculty 

232 NOTES TO PAGES 1 1 3- 1 20 

and Trustee Minutes, mention the matter, they contain surprisingly little which is of 
help in understanding it. I have drawn upon my own memory of my participation in 
many of the events to supplement what others have said. 

38. From an interview with Bishop Smith, by Charles Braden, reprinted in Spellmann 
1979, 329. 

39. Weiss and Proctor 1971, 175. 

40. Cuninggim 1987, 9. 
41.Cuninggim 1987,9-10. 

42. Cuninggim 1987, 10. 

43. P. Martin 1973, 30. 

44. From an interview quoted in Spellmann 1979, 330. 

45. Cuninggim 1987, 11. 

46. Cuninggim 1987, 11. 

47. Cuninggim 1987, 11. 

48. Weiss and Proctor have dealt with this incident in some detail (1971, 176-186). 

49. Weiss and Proctor 1971, 178. 

50. Weiss and Proctor 1971, 179. 

51. Grimes 1954,3. 

52. Campus, 13 November 1953. See also the issues for 18 November 1953, 20 
November 1953, 10 February 1954, 17 February 1954, 19 February 1954, and 24 
February 1954. 

53. Campus, 19 February 1954. 

54. Faculty Minutes, 19 February 1954. 

55. Grimes 1954, 3-4. 

56. Trustee Minutes, 30 March 1954. 

57. Trustee Minutes, 6 May 1954. 

58. See Weiss and Proctor 1971, 185. 

59. 1 am drawing on my memory here and do not remember the date. 

60. Cuninggim 1952b, 4. 

61. Cuninggim 1952b, 5. 

62. Cuninggim 1952a, 3. 

63. "Mrs. Wamick Honored" 1954, 19. 

64. Turner 1951b, 16; Faculty Minutes, 17 October 1951. 

65. Turner 1951a, 14. 

66. Turner 1952, 16. 

67. Faculty Minutes, 20 April 1956. 

68. Faculty Minutes, 28 September 1956. 

69. See Executive Committee Minutes for 7 November 1952, 6 March 1953, and 8 
September 1961. These gifts were later to prove fairly substantial according to 
records of the business office for 1988. 

70. Faculty Minutes, 17 January 1952. 

71. The Faculty Minutes for 5 December 1953 record that the budget for 1952-53 was 
$221,358. Receipts for the previous year had been $166,719.71. 

NOTES TO PAGES 1 20- 1 27 233 

72. Catalog, 1951-52, 1954-55. 

73. Catalog, 1957-58; Trustee Minutes, 6 May 1954. 

74. Cuninggim 1953b, 3. 

75. Catalog, 1954-55. 

76. Cuninggim Papers. 

77. Executive Committee Minutes, 1 June 1956. 

78. As late as 1 988 cuts in budget for the entire University were ordered by the President. 

79. Faculty Minutes, 17 October 1951; Campus, 30 September 1955. 

80. Later, in 1955, one of the chapel periods was a convocation in Lois Perkins 
Auditorium, and still later chapel was held twice a week with other worship services 
scheduled at various times. 

81. Faculty Minutes, 19 March 1952. 

82. Campus, 14 March 1952. 

83. Faculty Minutes, 22 October 1952. 

84. Wicker 1954. 19. 

85. Campus, 17 October 1952. 

86. Campus, 29 April 1955. There may have been others whom I have neither located 
nor remembered. 

87. Irwin 1953, 19. 

88. Campus, 6 February 1957. 

89. Hawk 1947, 3. 

90. Catalog, 1958-59. 

92. Cuninggim 1953a, 9. 

Chapter 10 

1. Trustee Minutes, 9 November 1962. 

2. J. Grimes 1978, 4—5 and passim. 

3. Trustee Minutes, 3 November 1961. 

4. "Growth Through Two Quadrennia 1960-68" (SMU Report to the South Central 

Jurisdiction Conference of the United Methodist Church, 24—27 July 1968). 

5. Executive Committee Minutes, 12 January 1962. 

6. Orientation of New Trustees (in Trustee Minutes), 3 October 1964. 

7. Names are available but not used. The communications are in the Quillian Papers. 

8. Letter from President Tate, 26 February 1960, giving the details of the procedures, 

in Faculty Minutes. 

9. Faculty Minutes, 16 January 1960. 

10. Letter from President Tate, 26 February 1960, in Faculty Minutes. 

11. Who's Who in Methodism, s.v. "Quillian." 

12. Tate 1960; Who's Who in the Methodist Church and Encyclopedia of World 

13. Letter from President Tate, 26 February 1960, in Faculty Minutes. 

14. Quillian 1979. 

234 NOTES TO PAGES 1 27- 132 

15. Quillian 1979. 

16. Quillian 1979, 3. 

17. Quillian 1979. Mr. Perkins died on 15 September 1960, and Mrs. Perkins then took 
his place as a member of the Board of Trustees and a direct supporter of Perkins 
School of Theology and of its Dean. 

18. Quillian 1979, 2. 

19. Attachment to Faculty Minutes, 1 1 September 1963. 

20. Attachment to Faculty Minutes, 21 September 1962. 

21. Attachment to FacuUy Minutes, 21 September 1962. 

22. "Report of the Dean to the Faculty," Lake Sharon Retreat, 29 September 1961; 
Quillian Papers. 

23. "Report to the Perkins School of Theology Committee of the Board of Trustees of 
Southern Methodist University," October 1961. 

24. Carbon copy of a document with no details given, dated 20 June 1960. Quillian 

25. "Report of the Dean to the Faculty," Lake Sharon Retreat, 29 September 1961. 

26. Trustee Minutes, 12 May 1964. 
21. Catalog, 1960-61. 

28. Quillian 1979. 

29. Catalog, 1961-62; Faculty Minutes, 11 September 1963. 

30. Catalog, 1961-62. 

31. Faculty Minutes, 13 January 1961. 

32. Catalog, 1962-63. 

33. Faculty Minutes, 29 March 1963. 

34. Catalog, 1963-64; Faculty Minutes, 11 September 1963. 

35. I have not been able to estabhsh whether this was the first of the "Bishops in 
Residence" programs in seminaries. If it was not the first, it was assuredly one of the 

36. Catalog, 1965-66. 

37. Catalog, 1965-66; Trustee Minutes, 12 May 1964. 

38. Material from Quillian 1981. 

39. Minutes, Board of Governors, 1 1 September 1964. This was one of Dean Quillian's 
appointments made without faculty consultation. Although primarily an adminis- 
trator. Dr. Carleton also did some teaching. The necessity of secrecy in the 
appointment process, as well as the administrative nature of the appointment. Dean 
Quillian believed, justified his decision not to consult the faculty. 

40. Catalog, 1965-66; Trustee Minutes, 7 May 1965. 

41. Catalog, 1966-67. 

42. Trustee Minutes, 4 November 1960. 

43. Catalog, 1967-68; Trustee Minutes, 5 May 1967. 

44. The Elsa Cook Award is chosen by members of the senior class, and the award is 
made at the Spring Banquet. See Catalog, 1979-80, 105. 

45. Catalog, 1969-70; Faculty Minutes, 2 February 1969, 9 May 1969. 

46. Senate Conference Minutes, 27 September 1969. 

NOTES TO PAGES 132-137 235 

47. "Report of the Dean to the Faculty," Lake Sharon Retreat, 29 September 1961, 1. 

48. Faculty Retreat Minutes, 30 September 1961. 

49. Faculty Minutes, 9 November 1962. 

50. Faculty Minutes, 7 December 1962. 

51. Faculty Minutes, Fall 1964. 

52. Faculty Minutes, 12 February 1965. 

53. Catalog, 1964-65. 

54. 1 can rely on my memory, which is vivid concerning this event. Faculty Minutes for 
10 May 1966 confirm the decision. 

55. Faculty Minutes, 10 May 1966. 

56. Faculty Minutes, 10 May 1966. 

57. Attachment to Faculty Minutes, 10 February 1967. 

58. Faculty Minutes, 9 October 1966, 9 February 1968. 

59. Faculty Minutes, 6 September 1966. 

60. Catalog, 1959-60 and 1963-64. 

61. Catalog, 1963-64. 

62. Catalog, 1963-64. 

63. Itals. mine. Catalog, 1965-66. 

64. Catalog, 1965-66. 

65. Catalog, 1966-67. 

66. Catalog, 1969-70. 

67. Graduate School of Humanities and Sciences Catalog, 1965-66, 25. 

68. Catalog, 1971-72. 

69. Attachment to Faculty Minutes, 16 April 1971; also 1979 "Self-Study," Appendix. 

70. Attachment to Faculty Minutes, 16 April 1971. 

71. 1979 "Self-Study." Appendix. 

72. At a special dinner honoring his work at Bridwell, just before going to the University 
of Texas, Austin, he made this point of view quite clear. 

73. My principal source is Quillian 1981. See also Turner 1969. 

74. "Proposed Policy Concerning Rare Books in Bridwell Library," 9 May 1980, 
proposed to and approved by the SMU Board of Trustees; Turner Papers. Also see 
Hazel 1989, 11. 

75. Ortmayer 1963, 3. 

76. Turner 1963a, 27. 

77. Ortmayer 1963, 3. 

78. Turner 1963d, 43^5. 

79. Turner 1963b, 47. 

80. Turner 1963c, 48. 

8 1 . Report of Decherd Turner, Attachment to Faculty Minutes, 1 6 April 1 97 1 . Also see 
Hazel 1989, 11. 

82. "Proposed Policy Concerning Rare Books." 9 May 1980, Turner Papers. The list is 
included in the Appendix. 

83. Turner 1961,486. 

236 NOTES TO PAGES 138-142 

84. J. Grimes 1978, 40. 

85. Dallas Times Herald, 10 May 1972, SMU Archives. 

86. Attachment to Faculty Minutes, 27 November 1963. 

87. Attachment to Faculty Minutes, 6 February 1964. 

Chapter 11 

1. Americana Annual 1971, s.v. "United States." 

2. J. Grimes 1978, 41. 

3. J. Grimes 1978, 41. 

4. Campus, 1 May 1969. 

5. Campus, 2 May 1969. 

6. Americana Annual 1971, s.v. "Education." 

7. Since I participated in this project, I can attest even now to my feeling of hopelessness 

and almost despair. 

8. Dallas Morning News, 6 May 1970. In SMU Archives. 

9. Tate 1978a, 60. 

10. Dallas Times Herald, 10 May 1972. SMU Archives. 

11. Dallas Morning News, 1 1 May 1972. SMU Archives. 

12. Tate 1978b, 61. 

13. Attachment to Faculty Minutes, 8 December 1967. 

14. Faculty Minutes, 15 March 1968. 

15. Attachment to Faculty Minutes, 18 April 1969. 

16. "A Sketch Profile of Perkins School of Theology." Dean's Report to the Board of 
Trustees, 1980. 

17. Attachment to Faculty Minutes, 18 April 1969. 

18. Faculty Minutes, 9 May 1969. 

19. Senate Minutes, 16 May 1969. (From this point forward to the mid-1980s, the 
Minutes are primarily from the Senate. Faculty Minutes tended to cover routine 
matters of admission to candidacy, approving candidates for graduation, and the 

20. The earliest edition is dated 12 September 1969. 

21. All quotations are from the original document. Changes were made over the years 
in details, but the essential design remained intact for over a decade. 

22. Some administrators were voting members; others had no vote. 

23. Pioneer student senators were Roy May, Jim Noland, Fred Haustein, Mel Morgan, 
Mike Harper, John Bengel, Benny McGee, Garry Ritzky, Guillermo Chavez, Keith 
Thompson, Rex Shepperd, Carol Cotton. It is interesting that only one was a female, 
a fact which soon changed as the number of women in the student body increased. 
Additional conmiittee members included Roger Loyd, Carl Clarke, Joe Eldridge, 
Howard Savage, Bob Hayes, Alice Flint, Joe Reams, Mark Matheny, David 
Harrington, Cindy Calderon (spouse), John Holbert, and Rick Hebert. Leighton 
Farrell and Wilfred Bailey were alumni representatives. 

24. 1 have tried throughout this account not to allow my memory of events to be the sole 
source of information. The two factors which follow note 25 are not fully recorded 

NOTES TO PAGES 143-148 237 

(if at all), and in this cases my memory is quite vivid, and I think accurate. I do not 
mean to imply that I present an unprejudiced view of anything unless I do it in the 
words of someone else. 1 am certain that some events would receive a different 
interpretation were someone else writing the record! 

25. Allen 1981, 18. 

26. Allen 1981, 19-20. 

27. Allen 1981,20-22. 

28. Allen 1981,22. 

29. Catalog, 1970-71. The curriculum was introduced in 1970. 

30. "Course Descriptions," Catalog, 1970-71; Attachment to Senate Minutes. 

31. "Course Descriptions," Catalog, 1970-71. A few years after this attempt to do a 
course called "Practical Theology," we developed a Doctor of Ministry seminar 
with the same name, with John Deschner providing the basic structure. This was for 
me one of the most exciting courses I ever taught. It consisted basically of a 
theological critique of the church's life and ministry, drawing heavily on the case 
study approach. 

32. "Course Descriptions," Catalog, 1970-71. 

33. Attachment to Senate Minutes, 9 March 1972. 

34. Catalog, 1973-74. 

35. The Bachelor of Divinity name was changed to Master of Theology in 1969, and a 
year later provisions were adopted to make it possible for the B.D. diploma to be 
exchanged for a retroactive M.Th. See Attachment to Senate Minutes, 4 May 1 970. 

36. Catalog, 1970-71, p.45. 

37. See Catalogs, 1976-66, 1977-78, and 1979-80. 

38. Ward 1981,9. 

39. Attachment to Senate Minutes, 18 April 1969. 

40. Attachment to Senate Minutes, 18 April 1969. 

41. Quillian 1981. Also see a memorandum addressed to the faculty concerning the 
importance of worship, 18 September 1969. Bridwell Archives. 

42. Senate Minutes, 14 September 1973; Catalog, 1974-75. 

43. Senate Minutes, 25 January 1974; Catalog, 1974-75. 

44. Catalog, 1975-76. 

45. Senate Minutes, 21 March 1980. 

46. "ATS Institutional Self-Study," 1980, 13. 

47. "ATS Institutional Self-Study," 1980, 15. 

48. "Report to the Senate," 22 September 1978, Attachment to Senate Minutes. 

49. "Report from the Task Force on the Ministry Core," Attachment to Senate Minutes. 

50. Catalog, 1973-74, 52. See also Senate Minutes, 4 May 1972. 

51. "ATS Study," 26-29 October 1980. Quillian Papers. 

52. Attachment to Senate Minutes, 16 March 1981. 

53. These statistics are taken from the ATS Institutional Self-Study done by Perkins, 
1980. In other instances I have used catalog data. 

54. ATS Institutional Self-Study done by Perkins, 1980. 

55. Catalog, 1979-80, 108-09. 

238 NOTES TO PAGES 149-152 

56. "Self-Evaluation, 1979," Prepared for the Southern Association of Colleges and 
Universities; Catalog, 1979-80. 

57. Catalog, 1979-80. 

58. Catalog, 1970-71; Senate Minutes, 11 September 1970. 

59. Senate Minutes, 16 April 1971. 

60. Catalog, 1971-72; Senate Minutes, 2 May 1971; 9 September 1971; 9 December 
1971; and 13 April 1972. 

61. Senate Minutes, 15 September 1972. 

62. Senate Minutes, 9 May 1972. 

63. Senate Minutes, 15 September 1972. So far as I can find, this is the first use of the 
term "Bishop in Residence." It is probable that it was actually used earlier than 1 972 
but was not recorded. 

64. Senate Minutes, 15 September 1972. 

65. Senate Minutes, 15 September 1972. 

66. Senate Minutes, 28 January 1972. 

67. A field unit consisted of three to eight students in geographical proximity who met 
together weekly. Field Instructors were local church clergy who worked directly 
with the student. 

68. Senate Minutes, 13 October 1972. 

69. Senate Minutes, 4 May 1973. 

70. Senate Minutes, 19 November 1972. 

71. Senate Minutes, 14 March 1973. 

72. Senate Minutes, 14 September 1973. 

73. Senate Minutes, 6 May 1974. 

74. Terry 1978, xxvi. Additional information from President Tate. 

75. Catalog, 1974-75. 

76. Senate Minutes, 14 February 1975. 

77. Catalog, 1974-75. 

78. Senate Conference Minutes, 26-27 September 1975; Senate Minutes, 19 October 

79. Catalog, 1975-76; "Dean's Report to the Senate," Attachment to Senate Minutes, 
9 May 1975. 

80. Information from the Pastoral Care Office, Highland Park United Methodist Church. 

81. Information from M.S.M. office. 

82. Dean's Report, 9 May 1975. 

83. Senate Minutes, 10 October 1975. 

84. Catalog, 1975-76. 

85. Senate Minutes, 12 December 1975. 

86. Catalog, 1976-77; Senate Minutes, 7 May 1976, 8 October 1976. 

87. Catalog, 1977-78; Senate Minutes, 9 May 1977, 26 August 1977. 

88. Catalog, 1978-79; Senate Minutes, 27 January 1978, 24 February 1978, 14 April 

89. Senate Minutes, 1 1 May 1979, 13 October 1978. 

NOTES TO PAGES 153-157 . 239 

90. Attachment to Senate Minutes, 20 April 1979. One woman had already been 
considered but was not invited to join the faculty. 

91. Attachment to Senate Minutes, 20 April 1979. 

92. Attachment to Senate Minutes, 7 May 1979. 

93. Catalog, 1979-80. 

94. Dean's Annual Report, 1980, Quillian Papers; Senate Minutes, 26 October 1979. 

95. Dean's Annual Report, 1980. 

96. Dean's Annual Report, 1980. 
91. Catalog, 1980-81. 

9S. Catalog, 1980-81. 

99. Senate Minutes, 26 October 1979; Catalog, 1980-81. 

100. Senate Minutes, 9 May 1980; Catalog, 1980-81. 

101. Cato/og, 1980-81. 

102. Senate Minutes, 14 February 1980. 

103. Catalog, 1981-82; Dean's Report, 1980 (Attachment to Senate Minutes, 8 May 
1981); Senate Minutes, 8 May 1981. 

Chapter 12 

1. Attachment to Senate Minutes, 7 December 1979. 

2. See Chapter 11. 

3. "Hispanic" is a general term now widely recognized as the most appropriate to refer 

to all persons of Spanish descent. The largest group of Hispanics in the United States 
is Mexican-American, but increasingly Cubans have come to the country, and there 
are Puerto Ricans, Mexicans, Central Americans, and so on. Since the Perkins 
program is largely directed toward Mexican-Americans, we will often use that term. 
See Miranda 1987, 188. 

4. Catalogs, 1916-17, 1917-18, 1918-19; Trustee Minutes, 10 June 1919. 

5. These dates come from the Alumni listing. 

6. See Naiiez 1981, esp. lOlff. See also Lafontaine 1978, 10-1 1. See also Syl vest 1987, 


7. Cooke 1973, 36-38. 

8. For more information see Naiiez 1981, 82-84, and Nanez 1977, esp. 63ff. 

9. Barton 1978, 20. See also Naiiez 1981, 1 13-1 16. 

10. Texas Christian Advocate, 19 September 1907, 10. 

1 1. Barton 1978, 20; Barton 1980. 

12. Senate Conference Minutes, 27 September 1969. 

13. Attachment to Senate Conference Minutes, 11-12 October 1974. 

14. Conversation with Roy Barton; see also Barton 1978, 21; also "The Mexican- 
American Course of Study . . ." 

15. "Training for Ministry," 21-22. 

16. Five Centuries . . .,1987 contains the results of the symposium. 

17. "Programa de Administradores Laicos," 15-17 April 1988. 

18. "The Mexican-American Program." 

240 NOTES TO PAGES 158-162 

19. The term "black" was the designation used nationwide for at least two decades, until 
in 1988, Democratic Presidential candidate the Rev. Jesse Jackson used and 
recommended the term "African- American." One cannot be certain whether it will 
prevail, though it has become quite quickly a much-used term. 

20. These dates come from the SMU Archives. 

2 1 . How well I remember the TCU-SMU game at Daniel Myers Stadium in Fort Worth, 
with police officers at every entrance. Threats had been received on Jerry Levias, 
and the game was tense not only because it decided SMU' s ranking in the Southwest 
Conference that football season, but also because there was always the possibility 
that the threats would be carried out. They were not. 

22. So far as I have found, no record of this event has been published. My source of 
information is Quillian 1981. 

23. These were ambitious aims and were not all realized immediately. See document 
dated May 1969, in Quillian Papers; also Dallas Times Herald, 4 May 1969. 

24. Senate Minutes, 3 May 1969. 

25. Senate Minutes, 10 April 1970. 

26. Senate Minutes, 1 April 1974. 

27. Report of Dean, 1973-74, attached to Senate Minutes. 

28. Senate Minutes, 10 May 1974. 

29. Ward 1981, 13. 

30. 1 cannot be certain these statistics are accurate. My source consists of student 
directories for the year indicated, which do not include additions for the second 

31. None of these statistics include native Africans. 

32. "The Perkins Report, 1978," pages not numbered. 

33. Senate Minutes, 14 March 1975. 

34. Senate Minutes, 15 February 1980. 

35. This count is taken from the 1980-81 Student Directory, and its accuracy cannot be 

36. My life has been greatly enriched by dealing with students from other countries. The 
first was D. G. Liu, in 1950, who returned to the People's Republic of China in 1950 
and did not surface again until the end of the Cultural Revolution. At that time he 
re-established contact with the school. Some of my last students were Norman 
Hudson, now a bishop in the Methodist Church of South Africa; Daniel Brewer, a 
prominent leader of the church in Liberia; and Jong Chul Chang, who teaches at the 
Methodist Seminary, in Seoul, Korea. The last three were all D.Min. students. 

37. Minutes of the Consultation, Howard Grimes, Reporter. 

38. Minutes of the Consultation, Howard Grimes, Reporter. 

39. Senate Minutes, 14 February 1975. 

40. Senate Minutes, 9 May 1975. 

41. Senate Minutes, 23 April 1976. 

42. Senate Minutes, 12 November 1976. 

43. See "Community Life Committee and Minority Concerns," Senate Minutes, 18 
February 1977, 11 March 1977. 

NOTES TO PAGES 162-169 24 1 

44. Although the discussion occurred at the Senate meeting on 1 1 March 1977, the 
original document was amended and dated 14 March 1977. 

45. Senate Conference Minutes, 17 September 1977. 

46. Attachment to Senate Minutes, 1 1 April 1980; Senate Minutes, 10 April 1981. 

47. Catalog, 1915-16. 

48. Catalog, 1917-18. How they qualified for a certificate with only one year of work 
is not known. Ordinarily it was the completion of the theological program that 
caused the certificate to be awarded. 

49. Catalog, 1923-24. 

50. Catalog, 1924-25. 

51. Catalog, 1925-26. 

52. Catalog, 1927-28. 

53. Catalog, 1920-21. 

54. Attachment to Senate Minutes, December 7 1979. 

55. Will 1982, 2:290. 

56. Will 1982, 2:290. 

57. Will 1982, 2:295. 

58. According to a statistic (in Peck 1975, 39) furnished by Robert Thomburg (then 
executive of the Division of Ordained Ministry, Board of Higher Education and 
Ministry, United Methodist Church), reported in a memorandum from Phyllis Bird 
to the faculty, attached to the Senate Minutes of October 1975. 

59. Attachment to the Senate Minutes, 7 December 1979. 

60. Perkins Student Handbook, 1986 edition. 

61. Information from Linn Caraway (formerly Richardson), Director of Recruitment 
and Admissions, Perkins School of Theology. 

62. Senate Minutes, 9 May 1975. 

63. Senate Retreat Minutes, 26-27 September 1975. 

Chapter 13 

l.Niebuhr 1956, 107. 

2. Niebuhr 1956, 6. 

3. The conflict between moderates and fundamentalists in the Southern Baptist 

Convention and the effort, sometimes successful, for the fundamentalists to take 
over the seminaries of that body, have demonstrated that some churches that we 
tended to think of as relatively stable are not free of the conflict of which I speak. 
Perhaps even a greater surprise was the surfacing of disagreement within the Roman 
Catholic Church after Vatican II and its continuation today. The same kind of 
conflict is evident in the Episcopal Church over questions relating to ordination of 

4. Chapter 3. 

5. Chapter 3. 

6. Terry 1978, xxiii. 

7. Terry 1978, xxiv. 

8. This presentation is based on a document in the Quillian Papers giving the details of 

242 NOTES TO PAGES 1 69- 1 75 

the event. 

9. In "Controversy" file, Quillian Papers. 

10. First carried in the Catalog in 1972-73. It was dropped for a few years and included 
again, in 1981-82, without change. See Senate Minutes, 16 April 1971, for draft 
statement, and Senate Minutes, 7 May 1971, for the final form of the statement as 

11. Dean Quillian, in his careful, analytical manner, has provided a complete chronol- 
ogy of the events, even to the exact time of many of them. In "Controversy" file, 
Quillian Papers. 

12. QuiHian narrative of controversy (see note 11), 6. 

13. Information furnished by SMU's business office, 1988. 

14. Quillian 1981. 

15. The letter is in the "Controversy" file, QuiUian Papers. 

16. "Controversy" file, Quillian Papers. 

17. "Controversy" file, Quillian Papers. 

18. "Controversy" file, Quillian Papers. 

19. Dallas Morning News, 2 November 1971. 

20. "The Seminary and the Church," Texas Methodist, 14 January 1972. 

21. The Dean's summary in the "Controversy" file, Quillian Papers. The event was 
exaggerated beyond recognition. For example, the Arizona Republic carried this 
statement in its 31 October 1971 issue: "A Methodist minister said yesterday that 
Southern Methodist University is offering a course in 'raw' pornography to its 
ministerial students." (A UPI release.) See "Controversy" file, Quillian Papers. 

22. See Evans 1971 for his own account. The context of the service is the experimental 
worship atmosphere that prevailed at the time. Some rather bizarre things were done 
in the spirit of working on more meaningful forms of worship. 

23. Letter in "Controversy" file, Quillian Papers. 

24. Many of us resent the fact that this group does not consider the rest of us 
"evangelical" if we do not accept the theological position which they espouse. The 
truth is that most of that position is orthodox catholic Christianity. Whether they are 
setting up a "straw man" in the form of the drift of Methodism in the late nineteenth 
and early twentieth century toward German liberalism is a matter of opinion. That 
there is some truth in their accusations seems obvious, but that the truth is 
exaggerated seems also without doubt. 

25. Robb 1975. 

26. Senate Minutes, 13 October 1978. 

27. Senate Minutes, 13 October 1978. 

28. In "Controversy" file, Quillian Papers. 

29. I have no reason to believe that the three applications were not legitimate. It is 
possible that they were "test cases" by the Metropolitan Community Church, but this 
information did not come out in any of the public discussion. 

30. Senate Minutes, 9 May 1980. 

31. Senate Minutes, 15 May 1980. 

32. 9 May 1980 document, 13 May document, 19 May document; "Controversy" file, 
Quillian Papers. 

NOTES TO PAGES 1 75- 1 85 243 

33. Senate Minutes, 10 November 1980. 

34. Senate Minutes, 20 March 1981. 

35. See attachment to Senate Minutes, 12 December 1969; also Senate Conference 
Minutes, 10 October 1980. 

36. Senate Minutes, 10 November 1980; Catalog, 1972-73, 23. 

37. Senate Minutes, 20 March 1981; Catalog, 1973-74. 

38. Attachment to Senate Minutes, 8-9 October 1971; Catalog, 1973-74. 

39. Dean's Report, 1973-74, included in Senate Minutes. 

40. Catalog, 1978-79. 

41. Ward 1981,9. 

Chapter 14 

{.Catalog, 1979-80. 

2. Catalog, 1 981-82. 1 have not listed the members of this faculty since the sheer number 

would be too great. It has, in fact, been difficuh to find ways of listing the seminary's 
regular faculty. 

3. Information from Rosa Marina Barton of the Intern Office. 

4. L. F. Sensabaugh, Director of Religious Education for Highland Park Methodist 

Church and Director of Religious Activities for SMU for many years, deserves at 
least a footnote in this account. It was partly his insistence on the legitimacy and his 
recognition of lay workers on church staffs that paved the way for later developments. 
Pioneers have a way of being forgotten, and "Dr. S," as he was affectionately known, 
is certainly one of those pioneers. 

5. Richard Cookson, formerly with the United Methodist Board of Discipleship, was 

also a regular participant in the seminars for many years. 

6. Attachment to Senate Minutes, 1 1 April 1980 

I. Book of Discipline, 1968, 149-150. 

8. As of 1 989, there still had not occurred such a move in spite of the growing importance 

in the Roman Catholic, Episcopal, and other churches. 

9. Book of Discipline, 1988, 192-193. The section on the Diaconal Ministry now 

occupies more than fourteen pages. 

10. Catalog, 1981-82. 

I I . See any of the catalogs of this period. 

12. See Catalog, 1981-82, for a more extensive description of these and other activities 
of Continuing Education. 

13. Attachment to Senate Minutes, 23 January 1970. 

14. Attachment to Senate Minutes, May 1973. 

15. Minutes, Board of Governors, 6 February 1966. 

16. Quillian 1981 and Quillian Papers. 

17. Dean's Report, 1973-74. 

18. ATS Report, 26-29 October 1980, 15. 

19. ATS Report, 26-29 October 1980, 1 1-15. 

20. Catalog, 1980-81. 

21. Dean's Report, 1980-81, an Attachment to the Senate Minutes. 

244 NOTES TO PAGES 185-191 

22. This incomplete list is derived from the Senate Minutes and attachments for 8 
December 1978, 8 October 1966, 12 September 1974, 1 1-12 October 1974, and 1 1 
April 1980; also from the Dean's Report for 1978-79. 

23. Attachment to Senate Conference Minutes, 11-12 October 1974. 

24. Data from the SMU Business Office. 

25. Dean QuilUan's report to the Perkins Trustees Committee, 1980; Quillian 1981. 

26. Quilhan 1981. 

27. Quillian 1981. 

28. Book of Discipline, 1972, 277-278. 

29. Attachment to Senate Conference Minutes, 8-9 October 1971. 

30. Report of the Dean to the Faculty, 1977-78; attachment to Senate Minutes. 

31. Dean's Report to the Committee on Faculty, 1973-74, 5; Quillian Papers. 

32. Ward 1981, 8-14. 

33. See Grimes 1981, 25-26. 

34. Faculty Minutes, 4 November 1960. 

35. Attachment to Senate Minutes, 8 May 1970. 

36. Attachment to Senate Minutes, 8 May 1970, 2. 

37. See, e.g.. Senate Minutes, 13 May 1964 and 23 January 1970. 

38. Catalog, 1965-66 and 1975-76. 

39. Information from Prof. William R. Farmer. 

40. Information from Prof. William R. Farmer. 

41. Deschner 1975, xv-xvi. 

42. Deschner 1975, xvi-xvii. 

43. See Bylaws of "The Worship Committee," 1970, QuiUian Papers. There have no 
doubt been changes since that time but this document describes the work of the 

44. The year 1935 has recently been used as the founding date of the Seminary Singers. 
Apparently, this was the year that Mrs. Kate Wamick began either a quartet or 
double quartet, and therefore this organization is a predecessor of the Seminary 
Singers. Although I do not usually trust my memory, in this case I do. I joined the 
Seminary Singers under the leadership of Dr. Fred Gealy in 1939, and there was, so 
far as 1 can remember, no group which formed the nucleus of the new group. 1 do 
remember that Mrs. Wamick mentioned a group she had led at an earlier time. My 
recollection is that there were fifteen original Singers members. One of them was 
Dr. Durwood Fleming, later President of Southwestern University and after his 
retirement from that institution on the Development staff of Perkins School of 
Theology. Had it not been for him, my bass would have been more discordant than 
it actually was ! 

45. SMU 71, 8 February 1971. 

46. Senate Minutes, 10 April 1970. 

47. SMU 71, 8 February 1971. 

48. Published by Westminster Press, 1948. 

NOTES TO PAGES 195-203 245 

49. Data and dates contributed by Roger Deschner, Richey Hogg, and Lloyd Pfautsch. 
Deschner and Pfautsch each have complete files of the annually printed programs. 
For membership of the authorizing committee, see the Perkins Catalog, 1959-60, 

50. See "Besides the Books: A Guide to Life in the Perkins Community," 1969, 34. 

51. "Perkins Student Handbook," 1986-87; pages unnumbered. 

52. See "The Perkins Report," 1978; also see "Perkins Student Handbook," 1986-87. 

53. Catalog, 1981-82, 109-110. 

54. Attachment to Senate Minutes, May 1981. 

Epilogue I 

1. Perkins Perspective, Summer 1981, 1, 5. Also see Kirby Papers. 

2. Information in this section, unless otherwise noted, is drawn from the Kirby Papers 

and from Catalogs for the years 1981-82 through 1990-91. 

3. Dallas Morning News, 20 November 1983, B16. 

4. Perkins Perspective, Spring 1 984, 1 . 

5. Perkins Perspective, Spring 1984, 1. 

6. Dallas Morning News, 26 February 1987, Al. 

7. Dallas Morning News, 30 May 1987, Al. Also see Daily Campus, 1 June 1987, 1. 

8. See Deschner 1989, the text of a statement by John Deschner at the memorial service 

for Albert Outler, at Highland Park United Methodist Church in Dallas, 7 September 

9. Senate Minutes, 20 February 1981. 

10. Senate Minutes, 16 April 1982. 

11. Senate Minutes, 16 April 1982; attachment from Committee to Study the Curricu- 
lum, dated 13 April 1982. 

12. Senate Minutes, 16 April 1982. 

13. Catalog, 1990-91, 15-16. 

14. Perkins Self-Study, 1990, 2. (In Kirby Papers) 

15. Perkins Self-Study, 1990, 2. 

16. Perkins Self-Study, 1990, 3-5. 

17. Perkins Self-Study, 1990, Appendix 21. 

18. Perkins Self-Study, 1990. Appendix 22 with attachments. 

19. Kirby Papers. 

20. Letter in Quillian Papers. 

21. Letter in Quillian Papers. 


Allen, Joseph L. 

1981 "The Policy Process at Perkins in the Quillian Years." Perkins 
Journal (Spring): 15-23. 

Bailey, Wilfred. 

1969 "Will Success Spoil Perkins?" Perkins School of Theology 
Journal CWinter): 13-15. 

Barton, Roy D. 

1978 "Training for Ministry." e/sa Forum-41 (June): 19-23. 
1980 "The Mexican- American Program at Perkins School of Theol- 
ogy." Dallas: Perkins School of Theology. English and Spanish. 

Beaty, John O. 

1951 The Iron Curtain over America. Dallas: Wilkinson Publishing. 

Bishop, Horace. 

n.d. "Semi-Centennial Sermon." In Sketches from the Life of Dr. 

Horace Bishop, edited by Ralph Masterson. N.p. 

Blair, John Edward. 

1926 "The Founding of Southern Methodist University." M.A. thesis. 
Southern Methodist University. 

Book of Discipline. 

1 968 The Book of Discipline of The United Methodist Church, 1 968. 

Nashville: United Methodist Publishing House. 
1972 The Book of Discipline of The United Methodist Church, 1972. 

Nashville: United Methodist Publishing House. 
1984 The Book of Discipline of the United Methodist Church, 1984. 

Nashville: United Methodist Publishing House. 



1988 The Book of Discipline of The United Methodist Church, 1988. 
Nashville: United Methodist Publishing House, 1988. 

Bradfield, W. D. 

1925 "Our Benefactors: Mr. and Mrs. Harper Kirby." Southern Meth- 
odist University Ex-Student's Magazine (Jan.): 4, 16. 

Brown, Ray Hyer. 

1957 Robert Stewart Hyer: The Man I Knew. Salado: Anson Jones 


Bulletin, School of Theology, SMU. See Catalog. 

Campbell, James. 

1906 "The Southwestern University History." In Texas Methodist 
Education Convention: Proceedings and Addresses, edited by 
John M. Moore and John R. Nelson. Dallas: Blaylock Publishing 


The SMU student newspaper; available on microfilm in Fondren 
Library, SMU. Title history: SMU Times (1915), Campus (1916- 
22, 1937-38, 1940-41, 1943-45, 1946), Semi-weekly Campus 
(1923-37, 1938-40, 1941^3), SMU Campus (1945^6, 1946- 
69), SMU Daily Campus (1981-84), Daily Campus (1969-81, 


Catalog, School of Theology, SMU (1915-45); and Catalog, 
Perkins School of Theology, SMU (1946-). Also named Bulletin. 

Cooke, Alistair. 

1973 America. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. 

Cuninggim, Merrimon. 

1952a "Dean's Page." Perkins School of Theology Journal (Winter): 3. 

1952b "The State of the School." Perkins School of Theology Journal 

(Spring): 3-6, 9. 
1953a "A Commencement Address." Perkins School of Theology 

Journal (Spring): 3-9. 
1953b "Dean's Page." Perkins School of Theology Journal (Winter): 3. 
1956 "Integration in Professional Education: The Story of Perkins, 

Southern Methodist University." In Racial Desegregation and 


Integration, edited by Ira De A. Reid. Annals of the American 
Academy of Political and Social Science 304: 109-1 15. 

1960 "Blueprint for Breakthrough." Christian Century 11 (20 April): 

1987 "Far-Off Things and Battles Long Ago." Speech given at Alumni 
Luncheon, Ministers' Week, 4 Feb. 1987. (Available from the 
Office of the Dean, Perkins School of Theology.) 

Papers Merrimon Cuninggim Papers, Perkins School of Theology 
Archives, Bridwell Library. 

Davis, Wesley C. 

1953 "The New Curriculum." Perkins School of Theology Journal 
(Spring): 10-16. 

Deschner, John. 

1975 "Albert Cook Outler: A Biographical Memoir." In Our Common 

Heritage as Christians: Essays in Honor of Albert C. Outler, 

edited by John Deschner, Leroy T. Howe, and Klaus Penzel, ix- 

xxi. New York: Oxford University Press. 
1984 "Where Honor KtsisT Perkins Journal (Spring): 27-30. 
1989 "Remember in Christ Albert Outler." Perkins Journal (October 

1989): 9-10. 

Dobbs, Hoyt M. 

Papers Hoyt M. Dobbs Papers, Perkins School of Theology Archives, 
Bridwell Library. 


1 97 1 Americana Annual. 
Encyclopedia of World Methodism. 

1974 Edited by Nolan B. Harmon. Nashville: United Methodist 
Publishing House. 

Evans, J. Claude. 

1971 "The Advent Celebration Service at SMU." December 1971. In 
"Controversy" file, Quillian Papers. 

Five Centuries . . . 

1987 Five Centuries of Hispanic American Christianity 1492-1992. 

Dallas: Hispanic Instructor Program, Perkins School of Theology. 

Gambrell, Herbert. 

1 95 1 "The Way I Remember It." Mustang (Oct.): 1 8. 


Goodloe, Robert W. 

195 1 "Welcome to Dean Merrimon Cuninggim and Dr. Albert C. 
Outler." Perkins School of Theology Journal (Fall): 3. 

Grimes, Johnnie Marie, editor. 

1978 Willis M. Tate: Views and Interviews. Dallas: SMU Press. 

Grimes, Lewis Howard. 

195 1 Cloud of Witnesses: A History of First Methodist Church, 

Houston. Houston: First Methodist Church. 
1954 "Is Being Brotherly Subversive?" Perkins School of Theology 

Journal (Spring): 3-4. 
1981 "The 'Quillian Years': With Appreciation and with a Look to the 

Future." Perkins Journal (Spring): 25-31. 
1983 "How I Became What I Am as a Christian Religious Educator." In 

Modern Masters of Religious Education, edited by Marilyn Mayr, 

135-159. Birmingham, Ala.: Religious Education Press. 
1986 "The Perkins 40th Story, 1946-1986." Dallas: Perkins School of 

Theology, SMU. 

Hackney, Sheldon. 

1969 Populism to Progressivism in Alabama. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton 
University Press. 

Hamack, Adolf. 

1957 What Is Christianity? Translated by Thomas Bailey Saunders; 

introduction by Rudolf Bultmann. New York: Harper & Brothers. 

Hawk, Eugene B. 

1947 "Why This Journal?" Perkins School of Theology Journal (Fall): 

1949 "Expanding Program of the University." Perkins School of 

Theology Journal (Spring): 3. 
Papers Eugene B. Hawk Papers, Perkins School of Theology Archives, 

Bridwell Library. 

Hazel, Michael, compiler. 

1989 "Special Collections in the Libraries at Southern Methodist 
University." Dallas: SMU Publications. 

Henderson, Gerald D. 

1966 "Vanderbilt University." Encyclopedia Americana. 


Henning, Albert F., compiler. 

1934? "The Story of Southern Methodist University, 1910-1930." N.p. 
Typed two-volume manuscript; in Fondren Library. 

Hogg, William Richey. 

1945 Sixty-five Years in the Seminaries: A History of the Interseminary 
Movement. N.p. 

1952 Ecumenical Foundations. New York: Harper & Brothers. 

Howe, Leroy T. 

1982 "Beginnings in Practical Theology: An Account of a Journey." 
Perkins Journal (Summer): 22-27. 

Hyer, Robert S. 

1915 "Dallas and the University." Manuscript, written by Dr. Hyer in 

1915 but not made public until after his death; copied by Mrs. 

Hyer. Copies in the SMU Archive and the Archives of the School 

of Theology, Bridwell Library. 

Irwin, William A., editor. 

1953 "Quadrangle News." Perkins School of Theology Journal (Fall): 

Johnson, Doris Miller. 

1966 Golden Prologue to the Future. Dallas: Highland Park Methodist 

Kern, Paul B. 

1 92 1 "What We Are Driving At: A Little Talk Where We Take You 

into Our Confidence." Service 1, no. 4: 3. 
Papers Paul B. Kern Papers, Perkins School of Theology Archives, 

Bridwell Library. 

Kilgore, James A. 

Papers James A. Kilgore Papers, Perkins School of Theology Archives, 
Bridwell Library. 

Kirby, James E. 

1987 "A Vision of the Future: Looking into the 90' s." Copy filed with 

Faculty Minutes, 18 Sept. 1987. 
Papers James E. Kirby Papers, Perkins School of Theology Archives, 

Bridwell Library. 


Lafontaine, Edith. 

1978 "An Image of the Past." e/sa Forum-41 (June): 10-1 1. 

Lee, Umphrey. 

1947 "The Perkins School of Theology and the University." Perkins 
School of Theology Journal (Fall): 4-5. 

Logan, Rayford W. 

1957 "The United States Supreme Court and the Segregation Issue." 

Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 

(March): 10-16. 

Loggie, Mary Basham. 

1967 "Joseph Sterling Bridwell." M.A. thesis, Midwestern University, 
Wichita Falls, Texas. 

Love, Joe Brown. 

1930 "The Interseminary Movement in the United States." B.D. thesis. 
Southern Methodist University. 

McCulloh, Gerald O. 

1980 Ministerial Education in the American Methodist Movement. 

Nashville: United Methodist Board of Higher Education and 

Ministry, Division of Ordained Ministry. 

Martin, Paul E. 

1973 "The Humanness of the Ministry: Some Informal Reflections." 

Typescript, 1973, in Paul E. Martin Papers. 
Papers Paul E. Martin Papers, Bridwell Library 

Martin, William C. 

1965 "The Origin of the School of Theology of Southern Methodist 

University." Manuscript, 10 July 1965, in William C. Martin 

Papers William C. Martin Papers, Archives, Bridwell Library. 

Miranda, Jesse. 

1987 "Toward a Hispanic Pastoral." In Five Centuries of Hispanic 

American Christianity 1492-1992. Dallas: Hispanic Instructor 

Program, Perkins School of Theology. 

Moore, John M. 

1948 Life and I: Or Sketches and Comments. Nashville: Parthenon 



Papers John M. Moore Papers, Archives, Bridwell Library. 
Moore, John M., and John R. Nelson, editors. 
1906 Texas Methodist Education Convention: Proceedings and 
Addresses. Dallas: Blaylock Publishing Company. 

Mouzon, Edwin D. 

Papers Edwin D. Mouzon Papers, Archives, Bridwell Library. 

"Mrs. Wamick Honored." 

1954 Perkins School of Theology Journal (Spring): 19. 


Alumni magazine, SMU. Variously named: Mustang (1920, 
1936-40, 1950-84), Southern Methodist University Alumni 
Quarterly (1922-23), Southern Methodist University Ex-students' 
Magazine (1924-27), SMU Ex-students' Bulletin (1947-48), SMU 
Alumni Bulletin (1948-50), SMU Alumnus (1950), SMU Mustang 
(1985-87), SMU Magazine (1987-). 

Nail, Olin W., editor. 

1961 History of Texas Methodism, 1900-1960. Austin: Capital Printing 

Nanez, Alfredo. 

1977 "Methodism Among the Spanish-speaking People in Texas and 

New Mexico." In One in the Lord: A History of Ethnic Minorities 
in the South Central Jurisdiction, The United Methodist Church, 
edited by Walter N. Vernon, 50-94. Oklahoma City: Contmiission 
on Archives and History, South Central Jurisdiction, United 
Methodist Church. 

1981 Historia de la Conferencia Rio Grande de la Iglesia Metodista 
Unida. Dallas: Bridwell Library. Simultaneously published as 
History of the Rio Grande Conference of the United Methodist 

Niebuhr, H. Richard. 

1956 The Purpose of the Church and Its Ministry. New York: Harper. 
Ortmayer, Roger. 

1963 "About This Issue." Perkins School of Theology Journal (Winter- 
Spring): 3. 

Outler, Albert C. 

Papers Albert C. Outler Papers, Archives, Bridwell Library. 


Packer, J. I. 

1974 "Fundamentalism" and the Word of God. Grand Rapids: W. B. 
Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1958. 

Peck, J. Richard. 

1975 "Seminary Mergers: What Happened to the Plan?" Interpreter 19 
(Oct.): 36-39. 

"A Plain Statement of Fact." 

No publication information, circa 1921; located in the Perkins 
School of Theology Archives, Bridwell Library. 

Pope, W. Kenneth. 

1976 A Pope at Roam: The Confessions of a Bishop. Dallas: The 

Papers W. Kenneth Pope Papers, Archives, Bridwell Library. 

Quebedeaux, Richard. 

1974 The Young Evangelicals. New York: Harper & Row. 
Quillian, Joseph D., Jr. 

1961 "The Seminary for Tomorrow." Perkins School of Theology 

Journal (Spring): 33-38. 
1979 "Concerning the Office of Dean of Perkins School of Theology." 

30 January 1979. In Quillian Papers. 
1981 "Joseph D. Quilhan, Jr.: A Video History Interview" (Parts I & 

II). 19 May 1981. Available at SMU Media Center. 
Papers Joseph D. Quillian Papers, Perkins School of Theology Archives, 

Bridwell Library. 

Rice, John A. 

1920 The Old Testament in the Life of Today. New York: Macmillan. 

Robb, Edmund W. 

1975 "The Crisis of Theological Education in The United Methodist 
Church." Address to the Good News Convocation, Lake 
Junaluska, N. Car., 22 July 1975. Copy in "Controversy" file, 
Quillian Papers. 

Roestline, Henry. 

1966 "Scarritt College for Christian Workers." Encyclopedia Ameri- 


Rohlfs, Claus H. 

1978 "A History of the Development of the Perkins Intern Program." 
Perkins Journal (Winter): 1-31. 

Seay, Frank. 

1925a An Outline for the Study of Old Testament Prophecy, Wisdom, 

and History. Nashville: Publishing House of the M. E. Church, 

1925b The Story of the Old Testament: A Primer of Old Testament 

Introduction. 4th ed. Nashville: Cokesbury Press. 

Selecman, Charles C. 

Papers Charles C. Selecman Papers, Archives, Bridwell Library. 

Slater, Oliver Eugene. 

1988 Oliver's Travels: One Bishop's Journey (A Chronological 

Account of the Comings and Goings of Oliver Eugene Slater, 

1906- ). Dallas: The author. 

Spellmann, Norman W. 

1979 Growing a Soul: The Story of A. Frank Smith. Dallas: SMU Press. 

Sweet, William Warren. 

Papers William Warren Sweet Papers, Archives, Bridwell Library. 

Sylvest, Edwin E., Jr. 

1987 "Rethinking the 'Discovery' of the Americas: A Provisional 

Historical-Theological Reflection." In Five Centuries of Hispanic 
American Christianity 1492-1992. Dallas: Hispanic Instructor 
Program, Perkins School of Theology. 

Tate, Willis. 

1960 "Letter to Ministers of The Methodist Church in the South Central 
Jurisdiction." 26 Feb. 1960. In Faculty Minutes, 26 Feb. 1960. 
Perkins School of Theology Archives, Bridwell Library. 

1978a "Kent State Memorial Service." Speech, Memorial Service in 
Perkins Chapel, May 6, 1970. In Willis M. Tate: Views and 
Interviews, edited by Johnnie Marie Grimes. Dallas: SMU Press. 

1978b "Shared Decision-Making." In Willis M. Tate: Views and Inter- 
views, edited by Johnnie Marie Grimes, 61-62. Dallas: SMU 


Terry, Marshall. 

1978 "Introduction: Willis Tate, A Recollection of Character." In Willis 

M. Tate: Views and Interviews, edited by Johnnie Marie Grimes, 

xvii-xxvi. Dallas: SMU Press. 

Texas Christian Advocate. 

Weekly newspaper of Methodism in Texas. Microfilm and paper 
copy available in Bridwell Library. Publishing history: Texas 
Christian Advocate and Brenham Advertiser (1847), Texas 
Christian Advocate (1848), Texas Wesleyan Banner (IS49-54), 
Texas Christian Advocate (lS54-6\, 1864-1931, 1949-60), 
Southwestern Christian Advocate (1932^9), Texas Methodist 
(1960-83), United Methodist Reporter ( 1983-present). 

Thomas, Mary Martha Hosford. 

1974 Southern Methodist University: Founding and Early Years. 
Dallas: SMU Press. 

Turner, Decherd, Jr. 

1 95 1 a "From the Library." Perkins School of Theology Journal (Win- 

ter): 14. 
1951b "The Sadie and David Lefkowitz Collection of Judaica." Perkins 
School of Theology Journal (Fall): 16. 

1952 "The Steindorff Collection." Perkins School of Theology Journal 
(Fall): 16. 

1961 "Bridwell Library." In History of Texas Methodism, 1900-1960, 

edited by Olin W. Nail, 483^86. Austin: Capital Printing. 
1963a "A Bibliographic View of 'The Chronicle.'" Perkins School of 

Theology Journal (Winter-Spring): 24-30. 
1963b "First Aldine Dante." Perkins School of Theology Journal 

(Winter-Spring): 47. 
1963c "The Last Bishops' Bible." Perkins School of Theology Journal 

(Winter-Spring): 48. 
1963d "The Levi A. Olan Collection." Perkins School of Theology 

Journal (Winter-Spring): A2-46. 
1969 "Incunabula and Bridwell Library." Perkins School of Theology 

Journal (Spring): 33^9. 
1980 "Decherd Turner: A Video History Interview." 28 May 1980. 

Available at SMU Media Center. 
Papers Decherd Turner Papers, Archives, Bridwell Library. 


Vemon, Walter N. 

1961 "Christian Teaching in Local Churches." In History of Texas 

Methodism, 1900-1960, edited by Olin W. Nail, 112-141. Austin: 

Capital Printing. 
1967 Methodism Moves Across North Texas. Dallas: Historical Society, 

North Texas Conference, Methodist Church. 
1973 Forever Building: The Life and Ministry of Paul E. Martin. 

Dallas: Southern Methodist University Press. 
Papers Walter N. Vemon Papers, Archives, Bridwell Library. 

Vemon, Walter N., Robert W. Sledge, Robert C. Monk, and Norman W. 

1984 The Methodist Excitement in Texas: A History. Dallas: Texas 
United Methodist Historical Society. 

Ward, James M. 

1981 "Dean Quillian as Dean of the Perkins Faculty." Perkins Journal 
(Spring): 8-14. 

Wamick, Kate. 

Papers Kate Wamick Papers, Archives, Bridwell Library. 
Weiss, Winifred T., and Charles S. Proctor. 
1971 Umphrey Lee: A Biography. Nashville: Abingdon Press. 
White, James F. 

1966 Architecture at SMU: 50 Years and Buildings. Dallas: Southem 
Methodist University Press. 

Who 's Who in Methodism. 

1952 Chicago: A. N. Marquis Company. 

Who 's Who in the Methodist Church. 

1966 Nashville: Abingdon. 

Wicker, Fenton, Jr., editor. 

1954 "Student News." Perkins School of Theology Journal (Winter): 

Will, James E. 

1982 "Ordination of Women." In Women in New Worlds, edited by 
Rosemary Skinner Keller, Louise L. Queen, and Hilah F. Thomas, 
2:290-297. Nashville: Abingdon. 


Williams, Cecil. 

1980 I'm Alive!: An Autobiography. San Francisco: Haq)er & Row. 

Wilson, Ann S. 

1983 "A Portion of the History of Perkins School of Theology, SMU, 
with Particular Attention to 1945-1955: Years of Transition." 
M.L.A. thesis, Southern Methodist University. 


Abbey, Merrill, 152 
Abraham, William J., 197 
Admissions, 77, 105-106, 110-112, 

Affleck, Bert, 180, 196 
Affleck, Patsy, 196, 198 
African-Americans, 77,110-116, 

Ahmad-Shah, E., 97 
Alderson, E. W., 29 
Alexander, Marilyn, 198 
Allen, Charles R., 153, 195 
Allen, Joseph L., 100,132,143,199 
Alumni Council, 176 
Anders, Nell, xiii, 30, 35, 58, 101 
Anderson, Robert T., 101,125,191, 

Anglin, Mrs. A. H., 30 
Apuntes, 157 
Armstrong, Alice, 6 
Amott, Robert J., 100 
Ashby, Philip H., 97 
Atkins Hall, 9,34,81 
Atkins, James, 5, 6, 7 
Attridge, Harold W., 152, 196 
Awards and Prizes, 192 
Baab, Eunice, 131, 158 
Babcock, William S., 131,198 
Bailey, Mel, 159 
Bailey, Opal, 163 
Bailey, Wilfred, 248n.23 
Baker, George C, 72, 95, 98, 120, 

122, 149 
Baker, Leo, 176, 177 
Balas, David L., 153, 188 
Band (Mustang), 58-59 

Banks, C. Wayne, 100, 180, 196 
Banquet (Spring), 57, 76 
Barbieri, Sante U., 57 
Barcus, Cy, 59 
Bamett, Henry G., 30 
Bamhardt, William H., 67 
Bamhouse, Ruth T., 153, 198 
Barth, Markus, 101 
Barton, L. S., 7 
Barton, Rosa Marina, 180 
Barton, Roy D., 151, 156 
Bassler, Jouette, 197 
Beaty, John O., 80, 116-117 
Bee Hive. See Marvin Hall, Pierce 

Bell, J. L., 17 
Bell, Robert, 149, 153 
Bell, Walter, 100 
Bemporad, Jack, 153 
Bengel, John, 142, 248n.23 
Betz, Hans Dieter, 152 
Bird, Phylhs A., 149, 152, 196 
Bishop Boulevard, 1 
Bishop, C. M., 30, 54, 58, 67 
Bishop, Horace, 1,8,9 
Bishop in Residence, xvii, 130, 131, 

149, 152, 153, 177, 198, 250n.62 
Black, C. Clifton, 198 
Black, Kenneth H., 151 
Black Seminarians, 160, 192 
B'nai B'rith Award (Social Ethics), 

116, 192 
Boaz, Hiram A., 5, 6, 7, 1 1, 23, 24, 

Bohmfalk, Erwin, 71 
Bollinger, Hiel D., 98 




Bonner, W. A., 36 

Bowden, Jalmar, 37 

Bowdle, Margaret Bridwell, 87,184 

Boyd, Marvin, 185 

Braden, Charles S., 98, 101, 149 

Bradfield, W. D., 29, 30, 31, 53, 61, 

Branscomb, B. Harvie, 28, 29, 39, 

Branton, Ray, 176 
Bray Award (Hebrew), 192 
Brewer, Daniel, 252n.36 
Bridges, E. W., 18, 19 
Bridwell Foundation, 184,196,202 
Bridwell Foundation Endowed 

Librarian, 196, 197 
Bridwell, Joseph S., xix, 87, 136, 

Bridwell Library, xix, 87, 88, 1 18- 

119, 135-138, 183-185,202-203 
Bryan, Dawson C, 100,188 
Bush, Richard C, 98, 100 
Buttrick, Wallace, 2 
Byron, Edwin M., 149 
Calderon, Cindy, 248n.23 
Calhoun, John C, 30 
Calhoun, Nina Ogden, 163 
Campbell, Jerry D., 153,184-185, 

Caraway, Linn M. See Richardson, 

Linn M. 
Cardwell, Paul O., 71 
Carleton, Alsie H., 131, 132, 180 
Carlyon, J. T., xiii, 67, 68, 95, 98, 

Carney, Frederick S., 101,129,141 
Caruth, W. W., 6-7 
Casteel, John L., 97 
Center for Research and Planning, 

Chandler, Douglas, 100 
Chapel, 18,57,76, 146-147 
Charry, Ellen T., 199 
Chavez, Guillermo, 248n.23 
Chicano Seminarians, 192 

Christmas Worship Service, 191 
Church Musicians Seminar, 181 
Clarke, Carl, 248n.23 
Clements, William P., Jr., 172 
Cline, John W., 30 
Cobb, John B., 101 
Collins, Mr. & Mrs. Carr P., Jr., 137 
Community Life Committee, 143, 

Community Lunch, 146 
Conference Course of Study, 55, 63 
Connally, Joe, 35, 36 
Continuing Education, 20, 33, 55-56, 

122, 131, 182-183 
Cook, Edmund F., 30 
Cook, Elsa, 132, 192 
Cook, Herman, 152 
Cooke, Harold G., 54 
Cookson, Richard, 255n.5 
Cooper, Allen Lamar, 96, 97, 1 12, 

Cooper, Robert O., 131 
Correspondence Course of Study 

School, 18, 19 
Cotton, Carol, 248n.23 
Council of Southwestern Theological 

Schools, 186, 188 
Course of Study School, 122, 161, 

Cox, Roberta, 198 
Culver, Maurice, 100 
Cuninggim, Jesse Lee, 17,29,92 
Cuninggim, Merrimon, xvi, xviii-xix, 

88,91,92-93, 101, 105,111-115, 

123, 191 

Cuninggim, Whitty, 92, 164, 192 
Cunningham, Earl, 100 
Cunningham, Lilla Milla, 100 
Curl, R. Floyd, 100, 130, 149, 180 
Curriculum, 14-15, 32-33, 54-55, 

72-73, 106-109, 132-133, 144- 

146, 147-148, 199-201 
Cushman, Robert E., 98 
Dabney, D. Lyle, 198 
Dallas Hall, xviii, 9, 75 



Davies, Donald, 151 

Davis, Mary, 197, 198 

Davis, Patricia H., 198 

Davis, Wesley C, xiii, 66, 67, 68, 95, 

101, 106, 107, 151 
Day Nursery, 121 
Deane, Edmund B., 102, 129, 130 
Deats, Richard L., 121 
DeBellis, Frank v., 136 
DeGolyer, Everett L., Jr., 137 

Bachelor of Divinity (B.D.), 14 
Bachelor of Religious Education 

(B.R.E.), 73, 102 
Doctor of Ministry (D.Min.), xvii, 

148, 205 
Master of Arts (M.A.), 102 
Master of Arts in Bible (M.A.), 

Master of Church Administration 

(M.C.A.), 33,35, 163 
Master of Divinity (M.Div.), 102, 

Master of Religious Education 

(M.R.E.), xvii, 73, 102 
Master of Sacred Music (M.S.M.), 

xvii, 101, 102, 135 
Master of Sacred Theology 

(S.T.M.), 102 
Master of Theological Studies 

(M.T.S.), xvii, 199 
Master of Theology (M.Th.), 102 
Ph.D. in Religious Studies (Ph.D.), 
102, 135 
DeJemett Award (Homiletics), 192 
Deschner, John, 98, 99, 141, 142, 
189, 196, 198, 249n.31,257n.8 
Deschner, Roger N., 151,191 
Diaconal Ministry, 181-182 
Dickenson, R. E., 30 
Dicks, Russell L., 71 
Dillenberger, John, 100 
Dobbs, Hoyt M., 17, 22, 24, 61 
Donaldson, Olive, 54, 67 
Dungan, David L., 189 

Eageton, Claude, 29 

Educational Assistants Seminar, 

Edwards, R. E., 67 

Eldridge, Joe, 248n.23 

Ellen, Robert E., Jr., 149 

Elliott, John W., Ill 

Elliott, Robert B., 98, 152 

Elliott, William M., 97 

Emerick, Craig L., 150, 197 

Ephraim, Jesse Paul, 1 30 

Erb, David, 149 

Evangelical Fellowship, 192 

Evans, J. Claude, 130,173-174 

Everding, H. Edward, 131 

Extension Work, 33, 55-56, 73-74 

Faber, Heije, 152 

Fadely, Anthony B., 152, 192 

Farmer, William R., 101,189,198 

Farrell, Leighton, 248n.23 

Ferguson, Charles, 45 

Feske, Millicent C, 198 

Fewell, Danna Nolan, 197 

Field Education, 73, 109, 117, 131, 
132, 133-134, 243n.21 

Filson, Floyd v., 97 

Finance, 6-8,20-21,27-28,31-32, 
60-61, 78-79, 81-87, 119-120, 
185-186, 205, 225n.58 

Fitch, Robert E., 97 

Flinn Award (Senior), 192 

Flint, Alice, 248n.23 

Floyd, Mary Fisher, 71,96 

Flynn, John N., 149 

Fondren Lectureship in Christian 
Mission, 20, 74 

Fondren Library, 75 

Fondren, Mr. & Mrs. W. W., 20, 75 

Foote, Gaston, 97 

Forrester, Brian, 130 

Forstman, H. Jackson, 1 30 

Frankl, Viktor E., 131 

Frei, Hans W., 98 

Fundamentalist-Modernist Contro- 
versy, 40 



Furnish, Victor P., 101, 196 

Gable, James Winton, 101 

Gaines, Curtis, 169 

Gambrell, Herbert P., 18 

Garrett, Guy D., 196 

Gealy, Fred D., xiii, 67, 69-70, 75, 

76,95, 101, 152, 190 
General Board of Education, 2, 7, 

78-79, 222n.45 
Gewirtz, Isaac, 198 
Gibson, George M., 17, 18, 30 
Gilbert, Ruel G., 91 
Gilbreath, Annie Mae, 30 
Gillon, Louise, 30, 33 
Gilmore, Martha, 152, 153, 197 
Gitlin, Emmanuel, 100 
Godbold, Albea, 71 
Godby,JoFay, 138 
Gogarten, Friedrich, 1 3 1 
Gomez, Santiago, 155 
"Good News," 174 
Goodloe, Robert W., xiii, 18, 22, 29, 

36,53,67,68,95,99, 131 
Goodrich, Robert E., Jr., 59, 96, 

234n.69, 235n.81 
Goodwin, B. C., 76 
Gordgin, Rebecca, 163 
Governance Committee, 141-144 
Govinda, Lama, 149 
Grimes, Johnnie Marie (Brooks), xii, 

xiv-xv, 138 
Grimes, Lewis Howard, xi-xvi, xvii, 

XX, 72, 95, 106, 112, 115-116, 122, 

142, 154, 180, 198 
Guerra, Eleazar, 37, 155 
Guild (Faculty), 143 
Gwaltney, James A., 149, 151, 196 
Habito, Ruben L. F., 198 
Hamilton, W. B., 27 
Hardin, H. Grady, 100, 154, 191 
Hardin, Paul, 150 
Hardt, John W., 198 
Hares, James C, 100, 130 
Harper, Michael, 142,149,151, 


Harrington, David, 248n.23 

Harrison, Thomas J., 137 

Hart, Kenneth W., 197 

Hartshome, Charles, 131 

Harvey, Van A., 100, 101, 132 

Haustein, Fred, 248n.23 

Hawk, Eugene B., xvii, 63-64, 77- 

78, 82-83, 93, 129, 130, 136, 137, 

Hawk Hall, 88 
Hawkins, James A., Ill 
Hayes, Bob, 248n.23 
Haynes, Craig R., 197 
Haynie, Mrs. W. D., 8 
Hazleton, Robert, 97 
Hebert, Rick, 248n.23 
Heitzenrater, Richard P., 152, 154, 

Hellmuth, Obata & Kassabaum, 202 
Hendrix, Harville, 132, 152, 172 
Henry, Stuart C, 100 
Hensarling, C. Dale, 153, 196 
Hicks, John H., xiii, 29, 53, 54, 61, 

67, 68, 95, 99 
Highland Park Methodist Church, 

21-22, 180, 230n.95 
Hildyard, Hobert, 121 
Hill, Ben O., 30,70,77,96. 156 
HilkEnnis, 57 
Hillbum, Sam. 37 
Hipps, R. Harold, 180 
Hispanic Instructors Development 

Program, 157 
Hitch, James W., 30 
Hobbs, Edward C, 96, 99, 100 
Hogg, W. Richey, xii, 98, 161, 188, 

191, 197 
Hoggard, Earl R., 136 
Holbert, John C, 153,154,196, 

Holmes, Zan W., 150,153,159 
Holt, Ivan Lee, 16, 18, 19, 21, 131 
Holt, J. B., 97, 101, 149, 154 
Hooper, John, 148, 197 
Howard, Virgil P., 151, 152, 196 



Howe, Leroy T., 132, 149, 153 

Hubbell, J. W., 18 

Hudson, Norman, 252n.36 

Hudson, Thomas H., 29 

Hunter, George G., Ill, 149, 152 

Hutchinson, Paul, 97 

Hyatt, James Phillip, 130 

Hyer, Robert S., 1,4-6,8,10-11,23, 

Iglehart, Charles W., 97 
Institute of Religion, 100,188 
Integration, 110-116 
Intern Program, xvii, 144, 145-146, 

International Institute for the Renewal 

of Gospel Studies, 189 
International Students, xvii, 37, 57, 

76, 161,201,205, 252n.36 
Interseminary Movement, 56, 

Irwin, W. A., 72, 98, 106 
Jackson, Douglas E., 71, 97, 98, 138, 

Jackson Lectures on the Bible, 74 
James Award (Bible), 192 
Jarratt, Rachel M., 163 
Jenkins-Carter, Lillie, 197 
Jennings, Lillian, 30, 228n.57 
Johnson, Charles, 98, 101, 130 
Johnson, Susanne, 196, 198, 199 
Jones, Brooks, 150 
Jones, Joe R., 131, 151 
Jones, Tom, 169 
Jong. Chul Chang, 252n.36 
Jordan, Travis, 131 
Judy, Marvin L., 96, 130, 131, 152, 

180, 183 
Justes, Emma Trout, 151,152 
Kennedy, John F., 138 
Kent, Mrs. C. W., 71 
Kent State University, 140 
Kern, Paul B., 16, 23, 28, 37-38, 46- 

Kemey, LeRoy G., 100 
Kidd, Mrs. C. R., 163 

Kilgore, James, 16,23,51-52,53,67 
KirbyHall, xviii, 31-32, 81, 88 
Kirby, James E., Jr., xii, xix, 154, 

195, 203, 205-208 
Kirby Library, 58,75 
Kirby, R. Harper and Annie, 31-32, 

Kirby, Patty Boothe, 195 
Kirk, Hanno, 154 
Knickerbocker, H. D., 7 
Knigge, Heinz-Dieter, 130 
Knowles, Joseph W., 101 
Knox, John, 98 
Kultgen, John K., 100 
Lacy, Nathaniel L., Jr., 149, 150, 159 
Laity Week, 176 
Lamont, Willis C, 98 
Landrum, Lynn, 171 
Lane, A. V., 61 
Lane Museum, 61-62 
Lawrence, David J., 198 
Lay Administrator Program, 157 
Lay Advisory Council, 176 
Lee, Bemice, 163 
Lee, Umphrey, xiii, 22, 36, 54, 64- 

66,71,93,98, 113, 116, 125 
Leete, Frederick D., 119 
Lefkowitz, David, 96, 117 
Leggett, F. Gene, 100 
Lehman Chair of Christian Doctrine, 

61, 196, 235n.90 
Lehman, Edward H. and Emma, 60, 

Lemmon, Mark, xix, 85 
Leslie, Elmer, 98 
Lethcoe, Ellen, 197 
LeVan Professor of Preaching and 

Worship, 197 
Levias, Jerry, 158, 251n.21 
Lewis, James, 196, 197 
Library, 14, 33-34, 58, 75. See also 

Bridwell Library, Kirby Library 
Library Collections 

Bridwell-Debellis (Incunabula), 
87, 135-137 



Ferguson (Texas), 119 
Gutenberg Bible Leaves, 137 
Harrison (Bible), 137 
Leete (Methodism), 1 19 
Lefkowitz (Judaica), 117,119 
Methodist Historical, 33 
Olan (Intellectual History), 137 
Shettles, 33 
Steindorff (Egyptology), 119 

Lindstrom, Harald G. A., 100 

Littell, Franklin H., 100,101,129 

Liu, D. G., 76, 252n.36 

Log, 121, 171, 172 

Longsworth, William M., 132,152 

Love, Thomas T., 131 

Loyd, Roger L., xii, 142, 153, 185, 
197, 248n.23 

Lutrick, Charles, 176 

Lyles, James v.. Ill 

Mackenzie Chair of Moral Philoso- 
phy, 8 

McClure, J. T., 7 

McCord, Mary, 14, 18, 54, 67 

McCracken, Robert G., 97 

McCreless, Mr. & Mrs. Sol, 120, 149 

McCreless Professor of Evangelism, 

McDonald, Andrew G., 131 

McElvaney, Eugene, 126,136,158 

McElvaney, Fran, 164 

McElvaney, William K., 197 

McFarland, H. Neill, 98, 131, 150, 
188, 198 

McGee, Benny, 248n.23 

McGinnis, John H., 14 

McGrath, J. Barney, 97, 98, 131 

Mcintosh, Kenneth and Iweeta, 76 

McLean, William Paul, 1 3 1 

McPherson, J. Mac, 148 

McPherson, N. C, 67 

Mahan, W. B., 71,96 

Maldonado, David, Jr., 196 

Maloy, Robert, 185, 197 

Mann, Sue Bell, 163 

Manschreck, Clyde L., 96 

Marlatt, Earl B., 70, 95, 99, 106, 152 
Marlatt Prayer Chapel, 1 10 
Marsh, Thomas H., 70, 95, 122, 130 
Marshall, Jane M., 151,197 
Martin, A. W., 70, 73, 74, 95, 99, 

122, 179, 180 
Martin, Mrs. A. W., 121 
Martin Hall, 88 
Martin, Luis, 130 
Martin, Paul E., 36, 83, 84, 113, 115, 

131, 151, 182 
Martin Lectureship in Practical 

Theology, 182 
Martin, W. B. J., 101 
Martin, WilUam C, 16, 36, 54, 97, 

98, 115, 130, 132, 189-190, 197 
Marvin Hall, 34, 81, 110 
Master of Sacred Music Award, 192 
Master Plan, 125 
Matheny, Mark, 248n.23 
Mathews, Joseph W., 96, 97, 99, 106 
Matthews, J. William, 153, 198 
May, James W., 130 
May, Roy, 248n.23 
Menking, Stanley W., 196 
Messersmith, Lloyd, 112 
Mexican- American Program, 71, 

149, 151 
Meyer, James T., 31 
Michalson, Carl, 98 
Mims, Lynn R., 196, 198 
Miner, Ora, 30,53 
Ministerial Education Fund, 185-186 
Ministers' Week, xvii, 74, 122, 182 
Moemer, O. W., 25,71 
Moffatt, James, 56 
Mongold, Alice, 196, 197 
Moore, John M., 5, 7, 27, 61, 78-79, 

Moore Hall, 88, 110 
Moreland, Earl, 37 
Morgan, Melvin, 142, 248n.23 
Morton, Russell, 198 
Mount, William W., Jr., 149,151 
Mouzon, Edwin D., 3, 13, 14-16, 29 



Moxley, Pat, 180 

Mumpower, D. L., 30 

Munger, R. S., 2, 6 

Munger, S. I., 27 

Murray, Richard T., 131,154,180, 

Nance, Walter B., 29 
Nanez, Alfredo, 149, 150, 155, 156 
Navy V- 12 Program, 66 
Nelson, John R., 3 
Nettles, Warrene, 1 3 1 
Newton, J. C. C, 30 
Nielsen, Niels C, 130 
Noland, Jim, 248n.23 
Norris, J. Frank, 43 
North Hall, 11, 13 
O'Dell, Mrs. Steward, 163 
Oden, Thomas C, 101 
Ogden, Schubert M., 36, 98, 99, 132, 

149, 196, 198 
O'Keefe, Raymond J., 130 
Olan, Levi A., 97, 117, 149, 151, 197 
Oliver, Bessie D., 163 
Onderdonk, Frank, 59 
O'Neill, John T., 97 
Ormond, J. Marvin, 29,30 
Ortmayer, Roger E., 98, 100, 101, 

131, 137 
Otwell, John H., 100 
Outler, Albert C, xviii, 72, 95-96, 

97, 102, 105, 125, 130, 132, 150, 

151, 188, 189, 198, 241n.l6-17, 

Outler Award (Theology), 192 
Outler Chair in Wesley Studies, 196 
Panorama, 57, 116, 121 
Pascoe, JuanN., 71 
Patrick, Mrs. Wood H., 163 
Peabody, David B., 188 
Pelley, Margaret, 45 
Penzel, Klaus, 130 
Pepper, Kenneth C, 101, 131, 149 
Perkins Auditorium, 88,110 
Perkins Chapel, 87 
Perkins Hall, 88,202 

Perkins, Joe J., 27, 1 13, 245n.l7 
Perkins, Joe J. and Lois, xviii, 79, 81, 

83-84, 85-87, 89 
Perkins, Lois, 83, 115, 158-159, 184, 

185, 196, 203, 245n.l7 
Perkins Outreach, 122 

Perkins Professor of Homiletics, 196, 

Perkins School of Theology (name), 

Perkins School of Theology Journal, 

xvii, 74, 122 
Perkins Student Association, 192 
Perkins Student Foundation, 191-192 
Perkins Women's Association, 164, 

Petry, RayC, 97 
Petty, Benjamin, 98 
Peyton Lectures on Preaching, 74 
Peyton, Mrs. George L., 74, 88 
Pfautsch, Lloyd, 101,102,130,191 
Picnic, 56 

Pierce Hall, 34, 81, 110 
Pierce, J. F., 29 
Pires, L. A., 27 
Poe, Floyd, 71 
Poitras, Edward W., 198 
Pope, W. Kenneth, 36, 38, 149, 152, 

186, 198 

Power, W. J. A., 101, 129 

Pre-theological Association, 62 

Procter-Smith, Maijorie, 196 

Prothro, Charles N., 202 

Prothro, Elizabeth Perkins, 202, 203 

Prothro Galleries, 202 

Pye, A. Kenneth, 171, 197 

Quillian, Joseph D., Jr., ix, xi, xvii, 
xix,98, 123, 126-129, 132, 136, 
138, 150, 154, 156, 158, 167, 170- 
176, 177, 179, 183-184, 185-187, 
193, 203 

Quillian, Paul W., xiii, xiv, xv, 30, 71 

Quillian, Mrs. Paul W., 121 

Ramsey, Paul, 97 

Randall, Laura H., 195, 198 



Rank and Tenure Committee, 187 

Rankin, George C, 5,11 

Rankin Hall, 11, 13, 34 

Rasmussen, Albert T., 100 

Reams, Joe, 248n.23 

Reed, J. Paul, 67 

Reed, William L., 97 

Reedy, Frank, 6, 14, 17 

Rice, John A., 18, 28, 29, 33, 41^14, 

Richardson, Eloise, 102 
Richardson, Linn M., 196 
Richmond, Marion B., 101 
Riley, Negail R., Ill 
Rippy, Leo, 71 
Ritzky, Garry, 248n.23 
Robb, Edmund W., 174 
Roberts, George F., Jr., 149 
Roberts, Lilia Beth, 163 
Robertson, David, 131, 132 
Robinson, Claudia, 131 
Robinson, William C, 101,125,149 
Rogers, Charles A., 131 
Rohlfs, Claus H., xvii, 132, 180, 196 
Ronck, Joan, 195, 196 
Root, Paul A., xiii, xv, 67, 69, 74, 

Ruth, Barbara, 153, 195 
Sage, J. Abner, 54 
St. Paul School of Theology, 128, 

186, 236n.2 
Sanger, Alex, 6 
Santillan Baert, Mary Lou, 197 
Sarvis, Guy W., 67 
Savage, Howard, 248n.23 
Sawyer, Beverly, 196, 198 
Scarritt Bible and Training School, 

20, 225n.56 
Schoonover, Kermit, 98, 100, 151 
Seals, Woodrow, 176 
Seay, Frank, 3, 14, 16-17, 24-25 
Selecman, Charles C, 28, 45, 46, 52 
Selecman Hall, 88, 110 
Seminar on the Development of 

Catholic Christianity, 188 

Seminary Singers, 67-68,76,121, 

130, 190-191 
Senate, 141-142, 160, 169 
Seneker, James Seehom, xiii, 29, 30, 

Sensabaugh, L. F., 225n.4 
Sensabaugh, O. F., 21,71 
Serex, A. M., 68 
Service, 227n.l4 

Shannon, Thompson, 97, 129, 131 
Sharp, Frank, 1 20 
Shepperd, Rex, 142, 248n.23 
Shields, L. Donald, 154, 197 
Shipley, David C, 98, 101 
Shuler, Philip L., 189 
Shuttles, R. H., 46, 53, 78 
Slater, O. Eugene, 44, 56, 152, 153 
Slater, Tommy, 162 
Sleeth, Ronald E., 130, 141, 152 
Smart, W. A., 30 
Smith, A. Frank, 17,21-22,79-80, 

82,84-87,93, 113, 155 
Smith, D. Moody, 131 
Smith, Elaine, 150 
Smith, Frederick D., 54 
Smith, Gayle, 164 
Smith Hall, 88 
Smith, Olive. 97 
Smith, Ruth, 152 
Smith, Seymour A., 97 
Smith, W. Angie, 71 
Smith, Wanda W., 151, 154, 241n.l7 
Snaith, Norman H., 71 
Snyder Hall, 34 
Sobota, Jan, 198 
Social Action Committee, 169 
South Central Jurisdiction, xvii, 76 
South Hall, 11, 13, 22 
Southern Methodist University 

(name), 6 
Spann, J. Richard, 30, 33, 53 
Spann, Thomas W., 198 
Speck, Jon, 198 
Spurrell Atkins, Marilyn, 198 
Stallcup, WiUiam B., 197 



Steed, Mr. & Mrs. Paul p., Jr., 137 

Steel, Marshall T., 70, 96 

Steelman, Edmund H., 96 

Stevenson, Ed, 169 

Steward Charles, 152 

Stewart, Richard, 153, 159, 195 

Stewart, S. A., 30 

Stowe, W. McFerrin, 153, 198 

Streng, Frederick J., 131 

Streng, Susan Dean, 164 

Strieker, George, 130 

Student Association, 76 

Student Council, 142, 169 

Student Life, 18-19, 35-37, 56-57, 
75-77, 110-116, 120-122, 139- 
144, 146-147, 168-170, 190-192, 
201-202, 205-206 

Student Spouses, 192 

Swafford, James N.. 98, 100 

Sweet. William Warren, 71, 95 

Switzer, David K., 130, 131, 153 

Sylvest, Edwin E., Jr., 149,157 

Tate, Willis M., xv, xviii, 80, 93, 94, 
114, 125, 127, 136, 140, 150, 158, 
168, 169 

Tate-Willson Lectureship, 1 82 

Taylor, R. A., 37 

Terrell, A. W., 61 

Texas Methodist Education Commis- 
sion, 2 

Theological Circulating Library, xvii, 

Thomas, Charles B., 152,153,159, 

Thomas, George F., 30 

Thomas, James S., 101, 198 

Thomas, M. M., 197 

Thomas, Page A., 148, 189 

Thomasson, Gus, 14 

Thompson, Keith, 248n.23 

Thompson, Kenneth F., 130 

Thornton, Edward E., 101 

Thrift, Charles T., 97 

Todd, Anna Lois, 163 

Todd, Harold Hart, 67 

Towner, Walter, 36, 57 

Trinidad Camargo, Saul, 196 

Trent, Max, 183 

Trevor, John, 102 

Turner, Decherd H., Jr., xix, 72, 96, 

118, 135-138, 148, 153, 184, 185 
Twitchell, Elizabeth, 129 
Tyson, Joseph B., 130 
Umoh, Linda K., 196 
University Park, 6, 13, 34 
Vanderbilt University, 2, 4, 22 In. 23- 

Vernon, Walter N., Jr., xviii, 74 
Vietnam War, 140 
Vieth, Richard F., 149 
Virginia Hall, 34 
Voigt, Edwin E., 130 
von Rohr, John, 101 
Wagers, Hemdon, 98, 131, 151, 188, 

Walker, Theodore D., Jr., 197 
Ward, James M., 101, 125, 149, 152, 

177, 198 
Ward, Seth, 2 
Wamick, Kate, xiii, 30. 34, 57, 58, 

61-62,76, 118-119, 129, 148, 152 
Washburn, Howard W., 130 
Washington, H. H., 37 
Wasson, Alfred W., 31,54,58,96, 

Watson, David L., 152, 196 
Watts, Ewart H., 185 
Webb. Lance, 57,97 
Whaling. Horace M.. 17 
Wharton, James A., 197 
Wheeler, Sterling F., 98,136 
White, James F., 129,146,195 
White, Marilyn, 146 
Whittlesey, Federal Lee. 98 
Wiksten, DeForrest, 1 5 1 
Wilkes, Jack, 76 
Williams, Cecil, 111, 115-116 
Williams, J. Coy, 18 
Williams. J. D. F.. 71 
Williams, Ronald J., 101 


Willson, Dr. & Mrs. J. M., 182 
Woman's Society of Christian 

Service, 121, 164 
Women ' s Week, 1 64 
Wood, Charles M., 152, 198, 200 
Woodward, Comer M., 18 
Workman, Mims T., 29, 30, 45^6 
World War I, 22 
World War II, 66 
Worship Committee, 142-143, 160, 

Worship. See Chapel 
Yap, KimHao, 198 
Young, Carlton R., 130, 151, 191 
Young, J. D., 7 
Zumberge, James H., 151,154 
Zumbrunnen, A. C, 55 


bHiU\lV'cLL LiH'